It

was impossible they could be taken into consideration in the state they now were. was his intention they should be engrafted in the bill, and that the bill should be reported and printed; but it would be recollected, that there were some amendments which could be made in a Committee. He therefore should propose, that after it was reported, it should be recommitted for the next day, and that it should then be amended, reported, and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday or Tuesday next.-The bill was accordingly reported with the clauses, and ordered to be taken into further consideration the next day.

[IRISH CANALS.] - Mr. Bernard called the attention of the House to a petition on the table from the grand jury of the King's County, respecting the tolls on the grand canal; he stated that a sum of 500,000l. was granted by the last Irish Parliament for the purpose of making canals, opening navigable rivers on reducing tolls, and purchasing exorbitant tolls on canals. That part of this money was so applied as to enable the Royal and Barrow Canal Company to lower their tolls very considerably, but that the tolls on the grand canal, which ran through almost the entire of the county which he had the honour to represent, had not derived any advantage from the grant, although the tolls were now so very exorbitant as to materially affect the trade of that county toDublin. The county of Kildare and Queen's county are in some measure affected also by those exorbitant tolls. He had reason to expect that these counties would have presented similar petitions, otherwise he would have brought forward the subject at a much earlier period; at this late hour of the session, he should therefore only give notice of his intention to submit to the House some proposition on the subject early in the next session, if in the interim some measures should not be adopted by which those exorbitant tolls could be reduced; preparatory to which he thought it necessary to move, "that there be laid before the House an account of the manner in which the sum of 500,000l, granted by the last Parliament of Ireland for promoting the inland navigation of that country, had been disposed of."

Mr. Corry observed, that it was the intention of the lord lieutenant of Ireland to lay before the House the fullest information on the subject alluded to in the hon. gentleman's motion.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, July 22.

[MINUTES.] Sir C. Pole brought up from the commons the Chatham Chest Bill and the Longitude Bill, which were read a first time. The Highland Canal Bill was read a third time and passed.-The several bills on the table were forwarded in their respective stages. The Prize Goods Bill, the Irish Justices Bill, the Irish Militia Families Bill, were committed, and the report ordered for Monday.-The Bill for erecting a light-house on Bell Rock was brought in, pursuant to a resolution of the Committee. The Court Martial Witnesses Bill was com→ mitted. On account of a mistake which had crept into the Scotch Militia Bill, another Bill was introduced to correct it.-Mr. Dent presented a petition on behalf of the debtors confined in the jail of Lancaster. Ordered to lie on the table.--Bonding and Warehousing Bill read a first and second time.-Bill for repealing the present stamp duties on receipts and enacting others, read a first time.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, July 22.

The Additional Duty Bill on tea exported to Ireland went through a Committee, and the report was ordered for the next day. Also the Additional Duty Bill on quassia, etc. etc.

[PORT OF LONDON, &c.]-The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a Committee to consider so much of his Majesty's speech as relates to the accommodation to be afforded to merchants. Previous to the House resolving itself into the Committee, he moved, "that a copy of the second report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the best mode of improving the port of London be referred to the said Com mittee." The Speaker having left the chair, the right hon. gent. observed, that in moving to have the report he had alluded to laid before the present Committee, his wish was to shew that the plan he should now bring forward was grounded on that proposed and recommended by that Committee. Its ob ject principally would be to adopt some intermediate system between that of free ports and the system of drawbacks. What he should have the honour to propose would, in his opinion, remove many of the incon veniences to which merchants and the revenue were exposed by those two systems. The system of free ports permitted the importation of goods duty free, and left it.

at the pleasure and discretion of the owners to export them. Hence a variety of frauds might arise on the revenue. It was therefore scarcely possible that this system could be followed without limitation or control.

The inconveniences of the other system were obvious, they affected individuals and the revenue. It was therefore desirous to adopt an intermediate system that might, as far as possible, steer clear of the disadvantages which attended the other two-a system which would guard against frauds on the revenue, while it afforded accommodation to mercantile transactions; a system that would protect the public revenue, without resorting to a rigour that was uncongenial to the spirit of our free constitution. Of the system he had in view, the country had already some experience, when two years ago it was applied to the articles of sugar, coffee, wine, &c. It then proved beneficial to the merchant, without injuring in any degree the public revenue. That experience afforded encouragement to extend the operation of this system, while the most perfect security would be afforded, both to the revenue and to the articles to which it would apply. These articles might be comprehended under five heads, and classed according to them in the bill. Under the first head would be comprised all articles of WestIndia produce; the second would comprehend tobacco, wine, brandy, &c. the third heavy and bulky articles, liable to pay a small duty; the fourth, such articles as required peculiar caution and care; the fifth, drugs, ingredients for dying, &c. which pay heavy duties: the whole to be deposited in warehouses approved of by government, and placed under the inspection of custom house officers. Some articles would be committed to the care of the proprietors, apon their first entering into a bond to secure the payment of the duties; and in all other cases where the articles to be warehoused required no particular attention, they must be deposited in the warehouses. appointed by government, and placed under the superintendance of custom-house officers. Such a distinction the Committee would, no doubt, feel the necessity of. To the principle of this measure he could not imagine there would be started any objection; at least he did not think that a mode could be devised less liable to objection. In framing the measure, every source was applied to from which information could be derived. The most intelligent merchants had been consulted, and the opinion of the Revenue Board and the Board of Trade had

been taken upon it. These propositions necessarily required much time and labour, and therefore prevented him from being able to bring forward the measure as early as he expected. The bill would, in the first instance, confine the benefits it held out to the city of London and the West-India Docks; but it would vest a power in the Privy Council to extend the licence to other ports on certain conditions. The licence would be granted only to such ports as car ried on trade in the articles already enome rated to a just and reasonable extent, and which had docks, wharfs, &c. to afford the requisite accommodations for landing and warehousing such goods with security to the owners and to the revenue. From this power and discretion given to the Privy Council, no undue partiality or favour could be apprehended. The Privy Council would act under the inspection of Parliament, and any other check or guard, that could be sug. gested, for preventing any undue partiality, he should cheerfully attend to. Under these limitations and checks, it would be compe tent for the Privy Council to grant licences; nor shall it be necessary that the port soliciting such licence should trade in all the above mentioned articles. To trade in some of them to any considerable extent would be sufficient. Indeed, it may become necessary to extend the advantages of the bill to many articles which have not been enu. merated. But the Lords of the Treasury have not the power of making such an extension without the previous approbation of the Revenue Board, and the subsequent sanction of the Privy Council. Neither should any extension to other articles affect the accommodation that has already been granted to some merchants in some particu lar articles that accommodation will remain as before. Should the principle be not objected to, as he ventured to hope it would not, he trusted the House would allow the bill to be brought in immediately: what ob jections might be urged against it would come best in the Committee. He hoped, therefore, the bill might be permitted to pass as rapidly as possible through its first stages; that it might then be printed; and after the interval of a few days, to be again considered and discussed. By limiting the bill in the first instance to the port of London, a variety of useless questions and discussions would be obviated, which would naturally be indulged in by those gentlemen who were more par ticularly connected with other ports; but that limitation would be no obstacle to ex-" tending the benefit of the bill to those ports also, where it should appear that they pos

sessed the claims requisite for obtaining that indulgence. The right hon. gent. concluded with moving, that it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient to permit certain goods to be warehoused without paying the duties.

General Gascoyne did not rise to oppose the measure, as the right hon. gent, seemed to expect. On the contrary, he approved of it highly as far as it went. He was only sorry that it had not been brought forward somewhat sooner, and he feared that some alarm might arise from applying it exclusively to the port of London. Something of that alarm did exist in his mind, but came rather from the apprehensions of those who might be affected by the measure, than from any opinion he entertained that it would operate to their prejudice. He trusted sufficient time would be allowed for the parties whom it may concern maturely to examine it. Until the out ports were acquainted with the nature and tendency of the bill, he should with-hold any observation upon it.

Sir William Elford anxiously hoped that the benefit of the bill would be extended as fairly and as generally as possible, and that even the appearance of partiality might be studiously avoided; it would benefit not only the public, but also individuals, whom it would enable to extend their capital: all he should now ask was, whether government was to furnish the warehouses to which the privilege was to be granted, or whether they were to be provided by the individuals who solicited the indulgence?

Mr. Vansittart observed, that individuals were to furnish the warehouses, which should be approved of by government.

Mr. Hutchinson was anxious to know if the benefit of the bill might not be extended to Ireland?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that government did not intend that the bill should now extend to Ireland. Before it could be extended to Ireland, much investigation must take place, and much information be obtained, respecting the particular trade of the ports of Ireland. He felt with the hon. gent. how desirous it was to communicate these commercial advantages to Ireland; but he could not, for the reasons he already alluded to, now attempt to extend the bill to that part of the united empire.

Mr. Vansittart reminded the hon. gent. that his right hon. friend (Mr. Corry) had already given notice of his intention to introduce a similar bill for Ireland.-The question was then put and agreed to; and

the House being resumed, the report was brought up, the resolution agreed to, and the bill ordered pursuant to the same.

[DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.]—The General Defence Bill was read a third time; after which the following clauses were brought up a clause allowing persons who had more than one place of residence, to be enrolled in which they should prefer; a clause providing, that in case persons enrolled should, during the hours of training, misconduct themselves, they should be imprisoned a week, or fined five shillings; and a clause reserving the rights of the city of London.

Mr. Alderman Coombe said, he could not with-hold his approbation of the respect which had been shewn for the charter of the city of London, but at the same time he hardly thought such a clause necessary, for in his opinion the bill did not tend to invade them, or the rights of the citizens. The bill did not force them to go to war, but only to put themselves in a better state for their own defence, in case the necessity for their exer tions occurred. He approved highly of the bill, but thought the exemptions it contained might be prejudicial. Every man in the country ought to go forth when the exercise of the King's prerogative called upon him. There ought to be no exemption, but on the ground of inability. From one end to the other, the city of London were not only ready, but anxious to know how they could come forward with most effect. If there was any apprehension, it arose from the probability of embarrassment, by the myriads the city would pour out. In every ward, parish, and street, the people were waiting with impatience till his Majesty should point out the means of organising their courage.A clause was proposed for allowing those whose religious scruples made them averse to exercising on a Sunday, soliciting any other day, but restraining them from receiving pay The last clause brought up was for granting to the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports the same power as Lords Lieutenants of counties. A short conversation took place relative to the allowance of one shilling to persons exercising; after which the question was put that the bill should pass.

Colonel Craufurd observed, that he had already expressed some strong opinions as to the necessity of increasing the numbers of the regular army. Those opinions were not changed by any thing that had since taken place, nor did he mean in the smallest degree to retract them the contrary, he felt himself justified lapping them.

But lest he should be supposed to under-rate the exertions made by the government for the safety of the country, he thought it necessary to state, that no man in the House felt more than he did the immense importance of this bill: he believed government never had proposed, or Parliament adopted, a measure more calculated to produce the effect intended by it. He did not doubt, that, if it pleased God to crown the efforts of the navy with success, so as to prevent the invasion till the period when the bill should be carried into effect, it would place the country in such an attitude of strength as would defy the universe-a state in which, should the whole world attack us, it would not be able to conquer us. He attached much importance to the co-operation our large army would receive from his countrymen in arms. He had concurred in the wish that the whole population of the country should be in arms; and, therefore, no man ever gave a vote with greater satisfaction than he did on this occasion. But, exclusive of the general advantages of arming, he conceived it was a mere measure attended with a moral advantage. The advantage he meant was, that it confirmed the truth of the language used by different gentlemen in the House. It was that language which had produced the effect of arming the country. It was the language of this bill that convinced them they were to be invaded by a powerful enemy, roused them to take up arms, and proclaim that they would not be conquered by all the enemies in the world. The people naturally said, if the danger was exaggerated, why have recourse to an army of 400,000 men? If we were not in a state of comparative weakness with reference to France, why increase the regulars by 40,000 men, and raise an army of 400,000 men? Such extraordinary measures justified those persons who had been stated to have held out desponding language; they had roused the people to a sense of their danger. He had been much misrepresented; he had been supposed to have held out, that this country had no alternative but submission to the enemy, and that such arguments had been used in order to ground an excuse for patching up a dishonourable peace. never entertained an idea of peace with France. He thought that, under the circumstances of the times, his Majesty's ministers were entitled to the thanks of the country for the Treaty of Amiens. When they undertook to conduct the affairs of the kingdom, the crisis was a very difficult one, and they had displayed an uncommon degree of vigour and energy. The

He

peace they made was the best that could be made. In any sentiment he had at any time expressed, nothing was further from his mind, than that we should make a peace inconsistent both with the honour and dignity of the country. Now we could make no peace unless standing on the highest ground. Since the hour France said that England could not single-handed contend with her, peace had become impossible. Had she said so before the treaty of Amiens, we should not have made peace with her, without in. serting in the face of the treaty, that singlehanded we could contend with her. We must now convince the whole world we were able to do so. He trusted it would please God to avert the invasion till our measures of defence were complete, when we should have nothing to fear. However, as we must, for some time to come, be in a state of comparative weakness, he lamented that more prompt measures had not been taken for carrying the old regular army of the country to the highest extent, for he was convinced that it was to that force we must ultimately look for the defence of the country. Every measure that, in a military point of view, was the best, ought to be taken; he therefore lamented that the measures for extending the regular army had not been more prompt and vigorous. It had been said, he had avoided mentioning the danger of the enterprize, when he talked of 60,000 Frenchmen landing, and marching to Londonthat he had totally set aside the danger of the winds and tides, and supposed a thing that never could happen. When the plan of defence was opened, he listened with satisfaction to that part of the speech of the Sec. at War, in which he admitted the possibility of an embarkation of 50,000, after 50,000 should have been drowned in the passage, For his own part he had only talked of drowning 30,000. He had been told that he had not taken into account any of the difficulties that would necessarily occur, and that he was supposing an impossible event. The conclusion he drew from this was, that the same thing said in this House by different people was taken differently, for the embarkation of 50,000 men was considered as impossible, when the impossibility was asserted by the Sec. at War. He did experience the most heartfelt satisfaction at this bill having been brought in; if carried into execution with promptitude, it would, with some other arrangements, which, no doubt, government would have recourse to, place us in a state of perfect security. It struck him, that instructing the people who should be enrolled merely for the present,

would, if the measure was not extended to an effective armament, fall short of what was necessary. He did not think that government, having recourse to private arms, would be productive of any good. Those who came into the field with private arms would come with a small stock of ammunition, which might be fired away in a day; besides, their arms would be without that weapon, in the use of which the English particularly excelled-it would be unprovided with a bayonet. He observed, that it was proposed to exercise only the first class. Perhaps it would contain as great a number as might be required; but there were some parts of the country where it might be necessary to arm more than the first class. He was of opinion, that if ten thousand Frenchmen landed at any place, and they were opposed by five thousand regulars, assisted by the whole mass of the people, they would be driven in the sea again. There was a species of arms to the use of which the peasants were peculiarly adapted; he had seen them used with great vigour upon an unfortunate occasion in a neighbouring country, where he never again should see them so used-the arms he meant were pikes. Those who felt themselves the boldest young men would be in the pike corps; it would give a pledge that they would charge the enemy; they would know they could not be of use till they met the enemy. He was present at a charge of the Irish peasants, armed with pikes at Newross, and he had occasion to admire their courage. They came close to their opponents, and their attack was of a very formidable nature. He was sure the English peasants would make the same sort of attack when.. fighting for their country, their families, and independence. He should be happy to see the arming extended to the whole population. With all the advantages we might possess by carrying the present measure into effect, yet, if an invasion should take place, we should not be safe unless we had recourse to other measures, which military art pointed out.

It 60 or 70,000 French troops should land, we should be in danger of having the fate of the capital decided by a battle. What would be the extent of the mischief, should a French army take London ? There were those in the House who might calculate the mischief-he thought it unnecessary-it was too obvious. But even the very disgrace of an event taking place, against which the odds are three hundred to one, ought to operate as a reason for urging us to defend ourselves to that point when we could say-man can do to more under God VOL. IV.

than to prevent the greatest city in the world from falling into the hands of the enemy. It would be such a disgrace to a great nation like this to have it safd, there was even a chance of taking the capital, that we ought to go on till we could say the military art can do no more; we must trust to God and our own exertions. He thought we were far short of this point. He had a very great respect for the opinion of a noble baronet opposite to him, (Sir W Erskine) who certainly had spoken like an Englishman and a soldier; but he was of opinion that an army of 60,000 landing at different points, might push on so near the capital, that a single battle might decide the fate of it. The most certain means of preventing this would be to increase the regulars, and to have recourse to the fortifying art. The first measure necessary was to increase the regular troops. He did not wish to say any thing to the prejudice of the militia in favour of the regular troops; but he would ask the hon. baronet he had already referred to, whether, if he was going to attack fifty thousand French troops, he would prefer regulars or militia regiments? It was a long time before new regiments could be formed. When a new regiment was made, it was a long while before it became a good regiment. It might consist of brave and good irregulars. For these reasons, he regretted that measures were not adopted for reducing the militia force to the proportion which it ought to bear to the regular army, for the defence of the country. The militia ought not to be more than one-third of the force of the regular army. If the militia colonels were to give their assistance, the regiments of the line might all be completed. There were some regiments that had not above 150, others 6 or 700 men. He would carry every one of those regiments to its full complement. The regiments of the line contained that which constituted the excellence of the army, the very soul of the army, if he might so express it. He had been misunderstood when he was supposed to have been talking of the Austrian regiments as machines. He felt that it was a measure of necessity to have recourse to the militia to fill up the regiments of the line, and he was convinced we had the means of doing it. If the militia colonels were disposed to co-operate with government, we might have 20,000 trained men of the militia in the course of a month. The present, however, he considered an energetic measure. He thought the army of reserve was not made use of in the best way it might have been. If the regiments of the line were carried to 1200, we might

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