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ministers, and the gratitude of a people whom they h^d res cued from anarchy and oppression. A series of rebellions might dart a ray of truth into the palace of Constantinople; and the illusions of flattery were dispelled by the easy and rapid success of the Norman adventurers.

The revolution of human affairs had produced in Apulia And Calabria a melancholy contrast between the age of Pythagoras and the tenth century of the Christian sera. At the former period, the coast of Great Greece (as it was then styled) was planted with free and opulent cities: these cities were peopled with soldiers, artists, and philosophers; and the military strength of Tarentum, Sybaris, or Crotona, was not inferior to that of a powerful kingdom. At the second aera, these once flourishing provinces were clouded with ignorance impoverished by tyranny, and depopulated by Barbarian wa. nor can we severely accuse the exaggeration of a contemporary, that a fair and ample district was reduced to the same desolation which had covered the earth after the general deluge.* Among the hostilities of the Arabs, the Franks, and the Greeks, in the southern Italy, I shall select two or three anecdotes expressive of their national manners. 1. It wa^ the amusement of the Saracens to profane, as well as to pillage, the monasteries and churches. At the siege of Salerno, a Mussulman chief spread his couch on the communion-table, and on that altar sacrificed each night the virginity of a Christian nun. As he wrestled with a reluctant maid, a beam in the roof was accidentally or dexterously thrown down on his head; and the death of the lustful emir was imputed to the wrath of Christ, which was at length awakened to the defence of his faithful spouse.10 2. The Saracens besieged the cities of Beneventum and Capua: after a vain appeal to the suc

* Calabriam adeunt, eamque inter se divisam reperientes funditus riepopulati sunt, (or depopularunt,) ita ut deserta sit velut in diluvia Such is the text of Herempert, or Erchempert, according to the (wo editions of Carraccioli (Rer. Italic. Script, torn. v. p. 23) and of Cauullo Pollegrino, torn. ii. pars i. p. 246.) Both were extremely scarce, trhra they were reprinted by Muratori.

K Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 874, No. 2) has drawn this story fcoin a MS of Erchempert, who died at Capua only fifteen years after the event. But the cardinal was deceived by a false title, and we can acly quote the anonymous Chronicle of Salerno, (Paraliporrena, c 110,) composed towards the end of the xth century, and published n die second volume of Muratori's Collection. See the Dissert atiou of Cimillo Pellegnno, torn. ii. pars i. p. 231—281 &C

cesaors of Charlemagne, the Lombards implored the jlemenc) and aid of the Greek emperor." A fearless citizen dropped from the walls, passed the intrenchments, accomplished his commission, and fell into the hands of the Barbarians as he was returning with the welcome news. They commanded him to assist their enterprise, and deceive his countrymen, with the assurance that wealth and honors should be the reward of his falsehood, and that his sincerity would be punshed with immediate death. He affected to yield, but as soon as he was conducted within hearing of the Christians on the rampart, "Friends and brethren," he cried with a loud voice, "be bold and patient, maintain the city; your sovereign is informed of your distress, and your deliverers are at hand. I know my doom, and commit my wife and children to your gratitude." The rage of the Arabs confirmed his evidence; and the self-devoted patriot was transpierced with a hundred spears. He deserves to live in the memory of the virtuous, but the repetition of the same story in ancient and modern times, may sprinkle some doubts on the reality of this gene rous deed.12 .3. The recital of a third incident may provoke a smile amidst the horrors of war. Theobald, marquis of Camerino and Spoleto,13 supported the rebels of Beneventum and his wanton cruelty was not incompatible in that age with the character of a hero. His captives of the Greek nation or party were castrated without mercy, and the outrage was aggravated by a cruel jest, that he wished to present the em

11 Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit Basil, c. 58, p. 183) is the original author of this story. He places it under the reigns of Basil and Lewis II.; yet the reduction of Beneventum by the Greeks is dated A. D. 891, after the decease of both of those princes.

12 In the yeat- 663, the same tragedy is described by Paul the Deacon, (de Gestis Langobard. 1. v. c. 7, 8, p. 870, 871, edit. Grot.,) under the walls of the same city of Beneventum. But the actors are different, and the guilt is imputed to the Greeks themselves, which in the Byzantine edition is applied to the Saracens. In the late war in Germany, M. D'Assas, a French officer of the regiment of Auvergne, it taid to have devoted himself in a similar manner. His behavior is the nnre heroic, as mere silence was required by the enemy who had made him prisoner, (Voltaire, Siscle de Louis XV. c. 33, torn. Ix. p. 172.)

"Theobald, who is styled Iferos by Liutprand, was properly dnke »f Spoleto and marquis of Camerino, from the year 926 to 935. The title and office of marquis (commander of the march or frontier) waa iutroduced into Italy by the French emperors, (AbregeChronologiqtiej toio. ii. p. <lib -732 <fec.)

r^eror with a supply of eunuchs, the most precious ornamenti of the Byzantine court. The garrison of a castle had been defeated in a sally, and the prisoners were sentenced to the customary operation. But the sacrifice was disturbed by the intrusion of a frantic female, who, with bleeding cheeks, dishevelled hair, and importunate clamors, compelled tho marquis to listen to her complaint. "Is it thus," she cried, 'ye magnanimous heroes, that ye wage war against women, against women who have never injured ye, and whose only arms are the distaff and the loom?" Theobald denied the charge, and protested that, since the Amazons, he had never heard of a female war. "And how," she furiously exclaimed, "can you attack us more directly, how can you wound us in a more vital part, than by robbing our husbands of what we most dearly cherish, the source of our joys, and the hope of our posterity? The plunder of our flocks and herds I have endured without a murmur, but this fatal injury, this irreparable loss, subdues my patience, and calls aloud on the justice of heaven and earth." A general laugh applauded her eloquence; the savage Franks, inaccessible to pity, were moved by her ridiculous, yet rational despair; and with the deliverance of the captives, she obtained the restitution of her effects. As she returned in triumph to the castle, she was overtaken by a messenger, to inquire, in the name of Theobald, what punishment should be inflicted on her husband, were he again taken in arms. "Should such," she answered without hesitation, "be his guilt and misfortune, he has eyes, and a nose, and hands, and feet. These are his own, and these he may deserve to forfeit by his personal offences. But let my lord be pleased to spare what his little handmaid presumes to claim as her peculiar and lawful property." 14

The establishment of the Normans in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily16 is an event most romantic in its origin,

14 Liutprand, Hist. 1. iv. c. iv. in the Rerum Italic. Script, torn. L pars i. p. 453, 454. Should the licentiousness of the tale be question*; i, I may exclaim, with poor Sterne, that it is hard if I may not transcribe with caution what a bishop could write without scruple What if I had translated, ut viris certetis testiculos amputare, in qui bus nostri corporis refocillatio, <fec.?

14 The original monuments of the Normans in Italy are collected in the vth volume of Muratoii; and among these Ave may distinguish the poems of William Appulus (p. '245—278) and the history of Galfridus {Jeffrey) Malaterra, (p. 587—607.) Both were natives of Prauce. but they wrote on the spot, in the age of the first conquerors.

And in its consequences most important botl. to Italy and the Eastern empire. The broken provinces of tLe Greeks, Lombards, and Saracens, were exposed to every 'nvader, and every sea and land were invaded by the adventurous spirit of the Scandinavian pirates. After a long indulgence of rapine and slaughter, a fair and ample territory was accepted, occupied, and named, by the Normans of France: they renounced Sheir gods for the God of the Christians ;16 and the dukes </. Normandy acknowledged themselves the vassals of the. successors of Charlemagne and Capet. The savage fierceness which they had brought from the snowy mountains of Norway was refined, without being corrupted, in a warmer climate; the companions of Rollo insensibly mingled with the natives; they imbibed the manners, language," and gallantry, of the French nation; and in a martial age, the Normans might claim the palm of valor and glorious achievements. Of the fashionable superstitions, they embraced with ardoi the pilgrimages of Rome, Italy, and the Holy Land.f In

(before A. D. 1100,) and with the spirit of freemen. It is needless tc recapitulate the compilers and critics of Italian history, Sigonius, Baronius, Pagi, Giannone, Muratori, St. Marc, &c, whom I have always consulted, and never copied.*

16 Some of the first converts were baptized ten or twelve times, for the sake of the white garment usually given at this ceremony. At the funeral of Rollo, the gifts to monasteries for the repose of his soul were accompanied by a sacrifice of one hundred captives. But in a generation or two, the national change was pure and general.

17 The Danish language was still spoken by the Normans of Bayeux on the sea-coast, at a time (A. D. 940) when it was already forgotten at Rouen, in the court and capital. Quern (Richard I.) contesting pater Baiocas mittens Botoni militiae suss principi nutriendum tradidit, ut, ibi lingua eruditus Danica, suis exterisque hominibua sciret aperte dare responsa, (Wilhelm. Gemeticensis de Ducitus Normannis, 1. iii. c. 8, p. 623, edit. Camden.) Of the vernacular and favorite idiom of William the Conqueror, (A. D. 1035,) Seidell (Opera, torn. ii. p. 1640—1656) has given a specimen, obsolete and obscure •von to antiquarians and lawyers.

* If. Goutier d'Arc has discovered a translation of the Chronicle of Ann^, monk of Mont Cassino. a contemporary of the first Norman invadert of Italy. He has made use of it in his Histoire des Conquetes des Normands. and added a summary of its contents. This work was quoted by tater writers, but was supposed to have been entirely lost.—M.

t A band of Normans returning from the Holy Land had rescued the city of Salerno from the attack of a numerous fleet of Saracens. Gaidar, the Lombard prince of Salerno wished to retain them in his service aw' take them into his pay. They answered, "We fight for cur religion, Im

this active devotion, the minds and bodies wert invigorated by exercise: danger was the incentive, novelty the recompense; and the prospect of the world was decorated by wonder, credulity, and ambitious hope. They confederated for their mutual defence; and the robbers of the Alps, who had been allured by the garb of a pilgrim, were often chastised by the arm of a warrior. In one of these pious visits to the cavern of Mount Garganus in Apulia, which had been sanctified by the apparition of the archangel Michael,18 they were »i;uosted by a stranger in the Greek habit, but who soon revealed himself as a rebel, a fugitive, and a mortal foe of the Greek empire. His name was Melo; a noble citizen of Ban, whc, after an unsuccessful revolt, was compelled to seek new allies and avengers of his country. The bold appearance of 'Jie Normans revived his hopes and solicited his confidence: they listened to the complaints, and still more to the promisee, of the patriot. The assurance of wealth demonstrated the justice of his cause; and they viewed, as the inheritance of the brave, the fruitful land which was oppressed by effeminate tyrants. On their return to Normandy, they kindled a spark of enterprise, and a small but intrepid band was freely associated for the deliverance of Apulia. They passed the Alps by separate roads, and in the disguise of pilgrims; but in the neighborhood of Rome they were saluted by the chief of Bari, who supplied the more indigent with arms and horses, and instantly led them to the field of action. In the first conflict, their valor prevailed; but in the second engagement they were overwhelmed by the numbers and military engines of the Greeks, and indignantly retreated with their faces to the enemy.* The unfortunate Melo ended his life a suppliant at the court of Germany: his Norman follower*, excluded from their native and their promised land, wandered

18 See Leandro Alberti (Descrizione d' Italia, p. 250) and Baronins, (A. D. 493, No. 43.) If the archangel inherited the temple and oracle,

Fsrhaps the cavern, of old Calcha9 the soothsayer, (Strab. Geograph, vi. p. 435, 436,) the Catholics (on this occasion) have surpassed the Greeks in the elegance of their superstition.

uot for money." Gaiinar untreated them to send some Norman knights to his court. This seems to have been the origin of the connection of the Normans with Italy. See Histoire des Conquetes des Normands pa* Goa tier d'Arc, 1. i c. i."Paris, 1830.—M.

* Nine out of ten perished in the field. Chronique d'Ainoe, to». i p. 91 quoted by M Goutier d'Arc, p. 42.—M.

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