It may, perhaps, be interesting to take a brief review of the transactions in other parts of the Continent at this period, and also of the proceedings of the Congress at Vienna. In the new political system of Europe which the Congress had in view, few circumstances are more worthy of attention than the union of the seventeen provinces of the Low Countries under one government. The last year closed with manifest preparations for such a design. The Prince of Orange had been placed by the allied powers at the head of the government of the ten catholic provinces; and the numerous strong places of that country had been occupied by garrisons composed for the most part of British and Hanoverian troops, with a mixture of Dutch and Belgic, obviously intended as a protection against French arms and French influence. The final developement of the plan was, however, professedly reserved to the termination of the Congress. Long before this period, that assembly came to a decision on this momentous subject; and a letter from the Prince-sovereign of Holland, to the secretary-of-state at Brussels, dated February 23, announced, that by the unanimous consent of Austria, Russia, England, France, and Prussia, all those parts of Belgium, which for merly belonged to the first of those powers, had

been placed under his sovereignty, with the exception of some portions of the territory of Limburg and Luxemburg. With such an assigument of territory, the Prince of Orange acquired the regal title; and, in a speech delivered to the Dutch states-general, on the 16th of March, he declared his resolution of taking possession of the supreme authority over all the United Ne therlands, and at the same time of investing himself with royalty. An address was returned by the states expressive of their entire satisfaction, as well with the Belgic union as with the new title assumed by the sovereign.

The recovery of the supreme power in France by Bonaparte was an event peculiarly menacing to the stability of the Belgic throne, since it could not be doubted, that if he should establish his authority, the first employment of the French arms would be to regain the influence of that nation in the Low Countries. The most active efforts were therefore immediately made to place the frontier on the French border in a state of defence. All the British and Hanoverian forces were collected together, which were strengthened by strong reinforcements from England, and several corps from Hesse, Brunswick, and other small states in Germany; and to these were added all the Dutch and Belgian troops.

This

army was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, who was recalled from Vienna for that purpose. The Prussian army, under Marshal Blucher, also assembled in this country for co-operation.

The King of the Netherlands, with the advice of his council of state, also resolved to employ the national-militia in active service, during the war with Napoleon; but as this could not be done without the consent of the states-general, his majesty addressed the following message to the assembly, dated Brussels, May 15, to explain the motives which made him resolve on this measure, and requesting the necessary authorisation to employ it both at home and abroad.

High and mighty lords,-It would be superfluous to unfold to your high-mightinesses the principles according to which the means of defence of the country have been increased and strengthened within some weeks, with indefatigable energy and zeal, and among others those according to which the national-militia has been embodied. Every inhabitant of the United Netherlands, sincerely attached to his country, is convinced, by his own feelings, that no watchfulness can be too strict, no sacrifice too great, when it is required to secure a free state against foreign domination.

But means of defence for the moment are insufficient; our obligations extend farther. That we ourselves may live without perpetual and intolerable apprehensions, that we may transmit to following generations the guarantee of the national 1. prosperity and independence, it is necessary that this tyranny be again overthrown, and this system of deceit and usurpation, inseparable from the existence of the tyrant, be again in his person for ever destroyed.

"The powers to whose efforts so many states of Europe owe their re-establishment have again combined to attain this sacred end.

"Eagerly answering to their friendly invitation, we have acceded to the treaty concluded at Vienna on the 25th of March last, and wait but for the exchange of the ratifications, to lay before your high-mightinesses its extent and particulars.

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these soldiers belong to the national-militia, whom BOOK XV. the law forbids to employ out of the country, without the express consent of the states-general. CHAP. V. It is this consent, high and mighty lords, for which we now apply to you. In no case can the propriety of such a measure be less dubious than at present; and the campaign which is about to commence, under such happy auspices, seems to us precisely the proper time to give the necessary solidity and completion to a political institution which, in its very beginning, has more than answered all our expectations.

"We, therefore, do not hesitate to offer to your sanction the annexed decree, praying God to have your high-mightinesses under his divine protection."

The states-general having deliberated on this proposal for a law, gave their assent to it, and informed his majesty of it by a message, in which they observed, "It is become necessary not only to embody the national-militia, but it must be capable of being employed both within and without the frontiers of the kingdom. Can we for a moment hesitate to adopt as our own this opinion of our most beloved and esteemed sovereign, and to shew our eagerness to concur in taking a resolution which is to serve to maintain our honor, our safety, and our right to the esteem of the powers who again combine for the safety of Europe? No, magnanimous sovereign, the wounds inflicted on our country by a late tyranny are not yet healed; the remembrance of our shame and our misery under the reign of the usurper, who, again seated on the throne, will never allow other people to enjoy peace, independence, and prosperity, is too recent for us not to see with pleasure the children of the country hasten to the frontiers, to take a part in the holy contest with the disturber of social order and his perjured adherents, and to see them emulate those brave men of every class who have voluntarily offered their arms for our deliverance. And why should we not entrust them to the wise dispositions of your majesty? why should we not place them, with the hope of a happy result, under the orders of your sons, one of whom has performed prodigies of valor in Spain, under the hero of our age; and the other, although young, has fought with glory in the ranks of our allies; yes, under the immortal Wellington, whom your majesty has placed at the head of the armies of the United Netherlands."

But a great part of

Notwithstanding such powerful means of defence, strong suspicions at this time prevailed respecting the affections of the Flemish people These suspicions to the Dutch government. were at length rendered manifest by the follow

of April.

15 S

Art. 1." All those who manifest themselves partizans or instruments of a certain foreign power, whether by their discourse, or by any action or document, and, finally, all those who attempt to create distrust or jealousies amongst the inhabitants, to promote disunion or disturbance, to excite disorder and sedition, by persuading the people to rebellion in the streets and public places, or by any other act inconsistent with good order, according to the enormity and circumstances of the offence, shall be punished, separately or collectively, by being exposed for from one hour to six, by privation of their rank, by marks of ignominy, by imprisonment from one hour to ten, and by a fine of from 100 to 100,000 francs.

2. "In case of crimes not mentioned in the preceding article, those who may have rendered themselves culpable by disturbing the public repose, as well as their accomplices, shall be condemned, besides being fined, to hard labor for a certain time, to be marked.

3. "A special court, composed of eight counsellors, selected from our superior court of justice at Brussels, of the attorney-general, or one of the advocates-general, who fill the functions of the public officers, and of the registrar of the court, is specially charged to take cognizance of, and pass judgment on, all crimes and misdemeanours on the process issued by our attorney-general.

4. "The process takes place without delay, or any previous information by the judge of instruction; these decrees shall not be open to appeal, nor can they be repealed.

5. "These decrees shall be put into execution twenty-four hours after their being pronounced. Our attorney-general is charged with their execution, and with transmitting an accurate copy of any decree executed to our commissary-general of justice."

The same proclamation orders that its several decrees be published in the papers of the day; and commands the commissaries-general and other authorities to see to their prompt and strict

execution.

The Belgium troops, of whom a considerable portion had served in the ranks of the French army, also manifested considerable disaffection; and two regiments, before the commencement of hostilities, openly mutinied, and attempted to pass over to the enemy.

The provisional occupation of Saxony by Prussia has already been mentioned. In the beginning of March, a note was transmitted from the King of Saxony to the ministers of the allied powers at Vienna, which began with expressing the deep affliction he had felt on perusing the documents communicated to him by the Princes Talleyrand and Metternich, and the Duke of Wellington, announcing the determination of the

five powers relative to Saxony. He proceeds to say," Without any other principle than that of convenience, and without any regard to the internal relations of the nation, a line has been traced across the country which would at once tear from it two-fifths of its population, and more than one-half of its territorial extent, as well as the means indispensible for the subsistence of what shall remain to the king. It is to such sacrifices that the king has been invited to give his assent, while, it is added, that no negociation will be entered into as to accessary points, until his majesty shall have categorically declared himself on the territorial cession." The king then argues against pronouncing upon his rights without bis consent, and retaining his states as conquered countries; and he claims the admission of his plenipotentiary to the Congress in order to treat with the allied powers.

A more

That the dissatisfaction of the king was 'participated by the people, subjected to a government to which they had an extreme repugnance, was rendered evident, by a proclamation issued at Dresden, on April 12th, by which every person who, either in words or deeds, manifested an attachment to Napoleon Bonaparte, or his interests, was ordered to be apprehended and delivered to the office of police for the investigation of the charge, and corresponding punishment. decisive proof of the existence of such feelings among the Saxons, was given by a serious mutiny in the troops of that nation at Liege, in the begin ning of May. It commenced from an intended division of them into such as were natives of the part ceded to Prussia, and of the part remaining to the king. A battalion of grenadiers of the guard, and a regiment of grenadiers of the line, who had for some time exhibited a disorderly spirit, on the hearing of this intention, broke out into open mutiny, and attempted to force their way into Prince Blucher's hotel, but were prevented by the centinels. This state of mutiny continued for three days, when it was suppressed by the ar rival of some Prussian troops. The guilty batta lion and regiment were disarmed, the latter was disbanded, seven of the most criminal of the mu tineers shot, and others were condemned to per petual imprisonment. Marshal Blucher afterwards issued the following proclamation :

"Soldiers of the Saxon corps!-Terrible crimes have been committed in your ranks. I had with confidence fixed my quarters among you when I was attacked by a troop of assassins and rebels, who, refusing to obey their officers, per sisted, for three days, in a criminal mutiny. Soldiers, you would be dishonored in the eyes of all Europe; your national honor would be for ever lost, if I did not render you the testimony that you have on this occasion expressed, in a striking

manner, the indignation which was excited in you by a licentious soldiery, which, in refusing to obey its officers, violated the first duty of a soldier.

"By the confidence you place in me, you have counted on the possession of the rights which honor and the laws of war give you. You have not deceived yourselves. The regiment of grenadiers has ceased to exist. The standard which it disgraced has been burnt, and the sword of justice has fallen on the guilty.

"Soldiers!-Continue to attend to the voice of your officers. Their duty is not only to lead you into battle, but also to watch for the preserva ion of your honor and your welfare. I cannot, therefore, better shew you my approbation, or better save your character from disgrace, than by continuing to deliver to the severity of the laws the promoters of insubordination and their accomplices, if they should still dare by their crimes to tarnish your military glory.

"BLUCHER."

This incident, perhaps, hastened an event which might before have been with certainty predicted; that of the final submission of the King of Saxony to the conditions imposed on him. A treaty between him and the King of Prussia was ratified on May 21, by which the cessions to the latter were marked out, together with the conditions under which they were made. The acquisitions of Prussia are in a general way expressed in the titles assumed by the king on account of them: these are, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, Margrave of both Lusatias, and Count of Henneberg. The King of Prussia at the same time published a proclamation to the people of Prussian Saxony, in which, announcing their union to his crown, he says, "The general agreement of the powers assembled in Congress has assigned me your country, subjected by the fate of war, by way of indemnity for the loss which has on one side diminished the circuit of the states guaranteed to me." It will, therefore, never be a matter of question by what tenure this part of the Prussian dominions is held. The King of Saxony also issued from Dresden a valedictory address to the same portion of his former subjects, in which he excused the cession, as the only condition by which he could obtain the restoration of the rest of his hereditary states. The following lines must touch every reader capable of feeling the simple pathetic. All my efforts to avert so painful a sacrifice have been in vain. I must part from you, and the bonds which your fidelity and attachment to my person have rendered so dear to me, the bonds which have formed for ages the happiness of my house, and of your ancestors, must be broken." Such was the fate of that sovereign who had the mis

66

fortune of being the last of those who in the BOOK XV. same year supported the cause of the French emperor.

The kingdom of Wirtemburg, at this time, was the theatre of political events which we shall here notice, as elucidating the spirit now prevailing in the mixed constitutions of the Germanic system. On the 12th of January, the King of Wirtemburg, having convoked his ministers and council, announced his intention of introducing into his kingdom a constitution with states-general; and to this effect published a memorial addressed to all his "subjects, servants, and vassals," in which he notified that he had sketched out a constitution of this nature, which he meant to lay before the states-general to be assembled in March following.

The states accordingly met, consisting of representatives chosen by the people, joined with others who sat by right of birth as former, states of the empire, and with members appointed by the king. The general expectation was, that the ancient free constitution of Wirtemburg, which circumstances had abrogated, would be restored, with modifications rendered necessary by the change of times; but the king's speech on opening the session expressed a different intention. No mention was made of the former constitution; and a new act, in the formation of which the states had no share, was laid before them, as the only organic law of the state sanctioned by his majesty. The assembly, fondly attached to their ancient government, which they considered as their right, refused to accept of that which was offered; and, after various proceedings, a royal declaration was made, that the decision should be deferred till the return of the crownprince from Vienna. In subsequent negociations between the royal commissioners and some depu ties of the states, the former declared that they were merely authorised to hear proposals relative to the modifications of the new constitution to be drawn from the old one; but, of six points extracted from this as a basis, not one was acceded to by the king's commissioners; and, in fine, nothing being effected, an adjournment of the assembly took place. Of these transactions an account was sent by the states to the ministers of the courts of Great Britain, Prussia, and Denmark, as guarantees of the constitution of Wirtemburg.

The King of Prussia, who has been mentioned as bringing to effect the determination of bis associated colleagues, relative to the portion of Saxony assigned to him, about this time re-entered into the possession of his former Polish provinces He issued from Vienna, on May 15th, a proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of the grand duchy of Posen, announcing the restoration to

CHAP. V.

1815.

CHAP. V.

1815.

BOOK XV. their original state of those parts of the late Duchy of Warsaw which had belonged to Prussia. He also gave them an insight into their fu ture political condition, as well as into that of his other subjects. " You are incorporated (he said) with my monarchy, but without being obliged to renounce your nationality. You will participate in the constitution which I intend to give my fait!. ful subjects, and you will have a provisional constitution, like the other provinces of my kingdom. Your religion shall be maintained, and a suitable dotation be assigned to its servants. Your personal rights and your property shall return under the protection of the laws, upon which you will also be called in future to deliberate. Your language shall be used with the German in all public transactions; and every one of you, according to his abilities, shall be eligible to public employments in the grand duchy, and to all the offices, honors, and dignities of my kingdom." A proclamation of the same date was addressed by the king to the inhabitants of the city and territory of Dantzic, the circle of Culm and Michelau, the town of Thorn, and its territory, in forming them of their restoration to their ancient connections, and of their intended participation in the constitution planned for all his majesty's subjects in the provincial government of West Prussia.

A royal decree, published on May 25th, laid before the Prussian nation the plan of that representation of the people which was to be the basis of the future constitution of the monarchy. The following were its principal provisions: the provincial assemblies, where still existing, are to be re-established and modelled according to the exigences of the time; and where at present there are no such assemblies, they are to be introduced. From these, the assembly of representatives of the kingdom is to be formed, which is to sit at Berlin, and the functions of which are to extend to deliberating upon all those objects of legislation which concern the personal right of citizens, and their property, including taxation. A committee is to be formed at Berlin, of officers of state, and inhabitants of the provinces, nominated and presided over by the chancellor, for the purpose of organizing the provincial assemblies and the national representation, and framing a constitution according to the principles laid down, which is to meet on the 1st of September ensuing. If in this declaration of the royal will the rudiments of a free government can be discerned, it must be acknowledged that a great number of essential points are left wholly indeterminate, and that the sovereign has bound himself to nothing which might not as readily be made an instrument, as a check, of regal authority.

The other part of the Duchy of Warsaw and

Russian Poland was erected into a kingdom. On the 30th of April, the Emperor Alexander addressed to the president of the Polish senate at Warsaw, a letter, announcing that the fate of their country had been unanimously decidea by the powers assembled in Congress, and that be bad assumed the title of King of Poland. "The kingdom (said the emperor) will be united with Russia by the bond of its own constitution. If the great interest of general tranquillity has not permitted the union of all the Poles under the same sceptre, I have, at least, endeavoured to alleviate, as much as possible, the pain of the separation, and to obtain for them every where the peaceful enjoyment of their nationality." The part to be taken by the Swiss Cantons en the renewal of war between the allied powers and France, was necessarily regarded as a matter of importance; and, on May 6th, the ministers of the four great powers at Zurich delivered a note on the subject to the diet then sitting. They be gan with applauding the determination expressed by the Helvetic body, at the moment of Bonaparte's return to France, of taking up arms to defend its frontiers, and avert the disorders with which all Europe was menaced by this event. They proceeded to mention the compact entered into by the sovereigns at the Congress of Vienna for subverting this usurpation, and their invitation to the rest of Europe to accede to it, which had been accepted; and they announced, that they had been commissioned by these powers to re present to the diet their confident expectation that Switzerland, by a formal declaration, would adopt the same principles, and concert with them the measures necessary for opposing the common danger. They affirmed, however, that the allied powers were far from proposing to Switzerland that it should display any other force than such as was proportioned to the resources and usages of its people; and that their only desire was, that the confederation would assume an energetic attitude, and adopt measures commensurate to the extraordinary circumstances of the time. They said that they had received instructions from their courts to regulate, by a convention, the footing on which Switzerland was to stand in this association, and they requested the diet to nominate plenipotentiaries for negociating with them.

The diet, in its answer, after explicitly assert ing its resolution to oppose, with all its might, a power which threatens the peace, independ ence, and rights of all nations, intimated that the part to be taken by twenty-two little republics united for mutual security, must naturally be that of the vigorous defence of their frontiers. For this purpose, they said, that more than 30,000 men had been set on foot; in return for such exertion, Switzerland expected, from the