various tributaries of the Mississippi to gather the products of the growing West, the pioneers came more and more to realize the importance of the invention. They resented the idea of the monopoly which Fulton and Livingston wished to enforce prior to the decision of Chief Justice Marshall, in the case of Gibbons v. Ogden-a decision of vital interest to the whole interior. 1

They saw in the steamboat a symbol of their own development. “An Atlantic cit ”, boasted a writer in the Western Monthly Review,? who talks of us under the name of backwoodsmen, would not believe, that such fairy structures of oriental gorgeousness and splendor, as the Washington, the Florida, the Walk in the Water, the Lady of the Lake, etc. etc., had ever existed in the imaginative brain of a romancer, much less, that they were actually in existence, rushing down the Mississippi, as on the wings of the wind, or plowing up between the forests, and walking against the mighty current 'as things of life,' bearing speculators, merchants, dandies, fine ladies, every thing real, and every thing affected, in the form of humanity, with pianos, and stocks of novels, and cards, and dice, and flirting, and love-making, and drinking, and champaigne, and on the deck, perhaps, three hundred fellows, who have seen alligators, and neither fear whiskey, nor gun-powder. A steam boat, coming from New Orleans, brings to the remotest villages of our streams, and the very doors of the cabins, a little Paris, a section of Broadway, or a slice of Philadelphia, to ferment in the minds of our young people, the innate propensity for fashions and finery. Within a day's journey of us, three distinct canals are in respectable progress towards completion. . . . Cincinnati will soon be the centre of the ' celestial empire,' as the Chinese say; and instead of encountering the storms, the sea sickness, and dangers of a passage from the gulf of Mexico to the Atlantic, whenever the Erie canal shall be completed, the opulent southern planters will take their families, their dogs and parrots, through a world of forests, from New Orleans to New York, giving us a call by the way. When they are more acquainted with us, their voyage will often terminate here.

By 1830 the produce which reached New Orleans from the Mississippi valley was estimated to amount to twenty-six million dollars. In 1822 three million dollars' worth of goods was esti mated to have passed the Falls of the Ohio on the way to market, of steamboats, rates of passage, estimate of products); Excursion through the United States, 119.

' Thomas, Travels through the Western Country, 62; Alexandria Herald, June 23, 1817.

2 Timothy Flint's Western Monthly Review, May, 1827 (I. 25-26).

3 Quarterly Journal of Economics, XVII. 20; cf. Pitkin, Statistical View (1835), 534-536, giving the figures of the annual surplus for the various areas of the West, 1832-1834. He gives to Tennessee over six million dollars ; to Kentucky five and a quarter millions; to Ohio ten millions; and to the Wabash valley, Indiana, one million.

representing much of the surplus of the Ohio valley. Of this, pork amounted to $1,000,000 in value; flour, to $900,000; tobacco, to $600,000; and whisky, to $500,000. The inventory of products reveals the Mississippi valley as a vast colonial society, producing the raw materials of a simple and primitive agriculture. The beginnings of manufacture in her cities, however, promised to bring about a movement for industrial independence in the West. In spite of evidences of growing wealth, there was such a decline in agricultural prices that, for the farmer who did not live on the highways of commerce, it was almost unprofitable to raise wheat for the market.?

These are the economic conditions that assist in understanding the political attitude of Western leaders in our period. The cry of the East for protection to infant industries was swelled by the little cities of the West, and the demand for a home market found its strongest support beyond the Alleghenies. Internal improvements and lower rates of transportation were essential to the prosperity of the Westerners. Largely a debtor class, in need of capital, credit, and an expansion of the currency, they resented attempts to restrain the reckless banking which their optimism fostered.

But the political ideals and actions of the West are explained by social, quite as much as by economic, forces. It was certain that this society, where equality and individualism flourished, where assertive democracy was supreme, where impatience with the old order of things was a ruling passion, would demand control of the government, would resent the rule of the trained statesmen and official classes, and would fight nominations by Congressional caucus and the continuance of presidential dynasties. Besides its susceptibility to change, the West had generated, from its Indian fighting, forestfelling, and expansion, a belligerency and a largeness of outlook with regard to the nation's territorial destiny. As the pioneer, widening the ring-wall of his clearing in the midst of the stumps and marshes of the wilderness, had a vision of the lofty buildings and crowded streets of a future city, so the West as a whole de

National Republican, March 7, 1823; cf. National Gasette, September 26, 1823; Excursion through the United States, 119.

? W. C. Howells, Life in Ohio, 138. “Fifty cents a bushel was a great price for it (wheat) at the river; and, as two horses and a man were required for four days to make the journey (thirty-five miles, to the Ohio), in good weather, with thirty-five or forty bushels of wheat, and a great deal longer if the roads were bad, it was not to be expected that we could realize more than twenty-five cents in cash for it. But there was no sale for it in cash. The nominal price for it in trade was usually thirty cents.” On the price of wheat, see M'Culloch, Commercial Dictionary (Philadelphia, 1852), I. 683, 684; Hazard, United States Commercial and Statistical Register, I. 251; O'Reilly, Sketches of Rochester, 362.

veloped ideals of the future of the common man, and of the grandeur and expansion of the nation.

The West was too new a section to have developed educational facilities to any large extent. The pioneers' poverty, as well as the traditions of the southern interior from which they so largely came, discouraged extensive expenditures for public schools. In Kentucky and Tennessee the more prosperous planters had private tutors, often New England collegians, for their children. So-called colleges were numerous, some of them fairly good. In 1830 a writer in the American Quarterly Registers made a survey of higher education in the whole western country and reported twenty-eight institutions, with seven hundred and sixty-six graduates and fourteen hundred and thirty undergraduates. Less than forty thousand volumes were recorded in the college and “social” libraries of the entire Mississippi valley. Very few students went from the West to eastern colleges. But the foundations of public education had been laid in the land-grants for common schools and universities. For the present this fund was generally misappropriated and wasted,

But the ideal of a democratic education was held up in the first constitution of Indiana, making it the duty of the legislature to provide for “a general system of education, ascending in a regular graduation from township schools to a State university, wherein tuition shall be gratis, and equally open to all.”'

Literature did not flourish in the West, although the newspaper press followed closely after the retreating savage and many shortlived periodicals were founded. Lexington, Kentucky, and Cincinnati made rival claims to be the " Athens of the West". In religion, the West was partial to those denominations which prevailed in the democratic portions of New England. Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians took the lead. The religious life of the West

or worse.

1 McMaster, History of the People of the United States, V. 370-372.

? For example, Amos Kendall was tutor in Henry Clay's family. See Kendall, Autobiography.

3 November, 1830, III. 127, 131.

- Poore, Charters and Constitutions, part I. 508 (art. ix., sec. 2 of Constitution of Indiana, 1816).

5 W. H. Perrin, Pioneer Press of Kentucky (Filson Club Publications).

6 Venable, Beginnings of Literary Culture in the Ohio Valley, ch. 111.; W. B. Cairns,“ Development of American Literature from 1815 to 1833", in Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, Philology and Literature Series, I. 60-63.

American Quarterly Register, III, 135, November, 1830, gives an estimate of the number of churches and communicants of the various sects in the Mississippi valley ; see also, Schermerhorn and Mills, Correct View of that part of the United States West of the Allegany Mountains (Hartford, 1814); Home Missionary, 1827, pp. 78, 79, 1830, p. 172; McMaster, History of the People of the United States, IV. 550-555.

frequently expressed itself in the form of emotional gatherings, in the camp-meetings and the revivals, where the rude, unlettered, but deeply religious backwoods preachers moved their large audiences with warnings of the wrath of God. Muscular Christianity was personified in the circuit-rider, who, with his saddle-bags and Bible, threaded the dreary trails through the forest from settlement to settlement. From the responsiveness of the West to religious excitement, it was easy to perceive that here was a region capable of being swayed in large masses by enthusiasm. These traits of the camp-meeting were manifested later in political campaigns.

Thus this society beyond the mountains, recruited from all the older states and bound together by the Mississippi, constituted a region swayed by common impulses. By the march of the Westerners away from their native states to the public domain of the nation, and by their organization as territories of the United States, they lost that state particularism which distinguished many of the old commonwealths of the coast. The section was nationalistic and democratic to the core. The West admired the self-made man and was ready to follow its hero with the enthusiasm of a section more responsive to personality than to the programmes of trained states

It was a self-confident section, believing in its right to share in government, and troubled by no doubts of its capacity to rule.




1. A Virginian Minister's Library, 1635

JOHN GOODBORNE (or Goodbarne), a minister of the Church of England, sailed from England in 1635 as a passenger in the Globe for a plantation in Virginia called Merchant's Hope, in which Joh Sadler, William Guyney, and others were the adventurers. He died on the voyage, and his effects were delivered by Jeremy Blackman, the master of the Globe, to William Barker, who put them into a storehouse ashore. Blackman and Barker returned to England, where Peter Goodborne, father of John Goodborne, sued them in the High Court of Admiralty and obtained a sentence for the value of the goods. The following schedule of John Goodborne's books and wearing apparel is appended to the libel and appears to be in his own handwriting. The schedule is in tabular form, and the values of the items, in columns, are written thus: 00 10s ood. In the transcript below, some contractions have been extended, and the values are given in modern form. The documents are among the records of the Admiralty Court in the Public Record Office in London: Libels 94, No. 204 ; Libels 95, Nos. 137, 138; Examinations 115, June 17 and July 7, 1637.


[Nearly all the titles have been identified, either by Mr. Marsden or by the managing editor. Foot-notes have been appended only in the case of those entries which do not sufficiently show the character of the book, or where the identification presented some difficulty.]

A particular note of my bookes. P. Martirs Common places, ios; his Comment [aries] on the 1' and 2 of the Kinges, 8s; on Judges, 5s; of the Eucharist, 4s; on the 19 and 2 to Corinth[ians], 8s; on the 1 and 2 of Samuell, 8s; on the Romans, 45 ; Leo papa, — the workes of Chrisoloras, Fulgentius, Valerianus, Maximus Tyrius, in one volume, 18s; Fulke on the Romish Testament, 12S; Davenant on the Colossians, 6s; Byfield on the Colossians, 6s;


1 Apparently the emigrant had the fifth volume of Margarinus de La Bigne, Magna Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Cologne, 1619).

2 William Fulke, A Defense of the Sincere and True Translations of the Holie Scriptures into the English Tong (London, 1583, 1617, 1633).

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