preferved in a State, wherein no Senator, according to Craf fus, could be efteemed rich, unless he were able to maintain an army? It is certain, that no free kingdom can long be maintained in internal peace and fecurity, without an Agrarian: by which we do not mean an equal distribution of property to every member, but such a proportionable allotment, as may correspond with the power affigned to each order of the State, at the original conftitution. The want of fuch an allotment, obliged the Athenians to have recourse to Oftracifin, to fecure themselves against the influence of their overgrown citizens. And we are bold to fay, that a more equal distribution of property in this kingdom, would prevent, in a great meafure, thofe inteftine commotions which frequently thake its frame. The unequal lot of younger children in particular, is an instance of oppreffion which cannot be reconciled with our ideas of a free State. This oppreffion was introduced under the Norman tyranny, in order to make the rules of inheritance fquare with the principles of the Feudal Tenures and now those flavish Tenures are happily abolished, no just reason exifts why the right of primogeniture fhould still be supported. Under the fanétion of this right, our children, as Harrington pleasantly observes, are treated in the fame way we use our puppies. We take one, and feed it with every dainty morfel, while we drown the rest; nay, we do worse by our younger children: for we put our puppies out of their pain at once, but we leave our younger children to be perpetually ftruggling with their fate. In fhort, the true fpirit of Liberty cannot be maintained in any State, without a proportional diftribution of property, and we entirely agree with our Hiftorian, that

If it fhould be faid, that when Rome had attained to that prodigious heighth of power and opulence, to which she was raifed by the conquest of Macedon and Carthage, the Scheme of confining the eftates of the great men within the limits prefcribed by the Licinian law, or within any fixed limits, and of bindering the Roman Freemen of inferior rank from alienating their lands, was impracticable; the proper anfwer feems to be, That if fo, then it was impracticable to preferve the conftitution any longer for nothing can be more abfurd, than to imagine Liberty and Equality, an Equilibrium of power, to endure in a state where the majority of those who make the laws, and determine the most important affairs of the public, have no land, no stable property; and who, for a fubfiftence, depend chiefly on what they can get by felling their votes to the rich and the ambitious.'

Nevertheless, we cannot fubfcribe to the inference which he 1 duces from these premifes, which is- That all the fevere fures which have been paft upon those perfons, who, after

the

the murder of the Gracchi, aimed at oligarchy or monarchy, all the invectives against Julius Cæfar, as the Invader and Deftroyer of the Liberties of his Country, are idle talk, empty, unmeaning declamation.'

This conclufion, we apprehend, does by no means follow. Admitting the prefervation of the conftitution to have been impracticable, yet that does not justify the attempt of one or a few men to haften its fubverfion. Should any one have certain intelligence that a band of robbers intended to plunder his neighbour, would it therefore be lawful in him to anticipate their defigns, and turn robber himself? Befides, there is, in truth, no pretence for fuppofing it to have been impracticable, to confine the estates of the great men within conflitutional limits; for thofe mighty Leaders, who could at their will establish an oligarchy or monarchy, could likewise, if they had been bleft with virtue equal to their power, have reduced the State to its first principles, and have preferved it from ruin.But it is time to make the Reader acquainted with the contents of this volume, which, as we are informed by an advertisement, was printed under Mr. Hooke's infpection before his laft illness.

It opens with the feventh book, which regards the events from the death of the younger Gracchus, in the year of Rome 632, when real Liberty expiring, the form only of the old conftitution remained, to the Dictatorship of Sylla, in 671, who changed the very form of that conftitution. The first chapter of this book contains a brief relation of the domeftic and foreign_transactions of the Romans, from the death of Caius Gracchus, in the year 632, to the beginning of the Jugurthine war, in 642. Here our Hiftorian takes occafion of doing juftice to the impartiality and true patriotism of Marius in his Tribuneship, who at different times oppofed both the Senate and the People; by which conduct he gained the esteem of both parties, being confidered as a man who would gratify neither at the expence of what he thought the public good.

In the next chapter we have a curious and entertaining account of the occafion of the Jugurthine war; its commencement, progress, and conclufion. Here the military character of Marius appears in all its luftre; and our Hiftorian very accurately diftinguishes the merit of this great Commander in the feveral capacities of the Soldier and the Citizen. On this fubject he proposes the following judicious question- Whether the practice which fome Hiftorians, of great name, have fallen into, of prefacing their account of a man's actions, with giving his character, either as drawn by former Writers, or as it refulted to themselves, from a furvey of all they knew of his conduct,

be

be not an unfair practice? Unfair, fometimes, with regard to the perfon whofe actions they are going to relate; always unfair: with regard to the Reader: becaufe fuch paintings will naturally prevent his making a free ule of his own judgment, and may often times mislead him?'

The answer to this queftion is obvious; and it may be thought very extraordinary, that a Writer who appears to fenfible of the unfairness and impropriety of fuch a practice, fhould neverthelefs have fallen into it himself: which he evidently has, as we fhall take occafion to point out hereafter.

The fubject of the third chapter, is the war with the Cimbri : and it contains the fecond, third, fourth, and fifth Confulfhips of Marius. The fecond Servile war in Sicily forms the contents of the fourth chapter: and the fifth comprizes the fixth Confulfhip of Marius.-The violences of Saturninus, Tribune of the Commons-The banishment of Metellus Numidius, and his recall-The ruin of Saturninus and his affociates in feditionThe voyage of Marius into Afia, in order to confer with Mithiidates-The condemnation of Servilius Coepis into banishment—The trial and acquital of his profecutor Norbanus-The' malicious profecution of Rutilius Rufus, and his unjust condemnation to banishment.

tus.

The next chapter gives an account of the expedition of Sylla into Afia, to check the ambition of Mithridates King of PonThe genealogy, early adventures and enterprizes of this Monarch, form a very agreeable relation. This Mithri dates (who ftruggled long with the Romans for the empire of Afia) had afcended the throne at eleven or twelve years of age. It is faid, that during his minority his Tutors attempted to destroy him, by mounting him on a fiery horfe unbroken; a danger he escaped by his addrefs: that they afterwards plotted to poifon him, but that he, aware of their defign, guarded himself. againft it by excellent antidotes: and it is added, that the frequent use of these gave him a conftitution proof against the most deadly poifon. He applied himself to the study of phyfic, and grew fond of being thought fkilful in that art; infomuch, that his Courtiers, to humour his vanity by a fervile complaifance, ufed to flash or burn themselves, in fome part of their bodies, on purpose to give him an opportunity of fhewing his fkill in the cure. To fecure himfelf from affaffination, he pretended to be extremely fond of hunting; and, if we may believe Juftin, was feven years without fleeping a night in any houfe; he lay in the mountains, and feldom in the fame place. This manner of life rendered him robuft, hardened his body against the changes and inclemency of the feafons, and prepared him to fuftain all the fatigues of war. During his non-age, the Romans took from

him the Greater Phrygia, which they had affigned to his father, as the reward of his fervices in the war with Ariftonicus, and to which he had pretenfions of an earlier date, it having been given to his great grandfather by Saleucus Calinicus.

Among the first acts of his reign, he put to death not only his Guardians, but his mother and his brother. After this, he formed vaft projects for enlarging his dominions. He fubdued a great part of Scythia, all Colchis, and the adjoining countries, and obliged the Thracians, the Baftarnæ, the Sarmatæ, and all the nations on the Tanais, the Palus Mæotis, and at the mouth of the Danube, to enter into alliance with him, and affift him with their forces.

It is faid, that elated with his victories, he propofed to himfelf nothing less than the conqueft of all Afia; and that with this view he privately left his court, and, attended by a few of his friends, went over all that continent, in order to know the ftrength of the towns and fortrelles. But, perhaps, this ftory was invented, to make the King appear, in fome fort, the aggreffor in the war, which he afterwards fuftained against the Romans.

At his return home, his wife Laodice, who in his abfence had been unfaithful to him, confpired with her lovers, to take him off by poifon both crimes being difcovered by a flave, the King put her, and her accomplices, to death.

After this, he leagued himself with Nicomedes, King of Bithynia, and fon of Prufias; in confequence of which they made themselves mafters of Paphlagonia. Pylæmones, King of that country, having complained at Rome, the Senate, by their Ambaffador, ordered the two Kings to reftore what they had ufurped. Mithridates, fays Juftin, thinking himself a match for the Romans, returned for anfwer, that Paphlagonia had fallen to his father by inheritance, who having never been blamed for claiming it, it was wonderful, that the fame claim fhould be confidered as a crime in the fon. But the Hiftorian afterwards tells us, that the King obeyed the decree of the Senate.

The Bithynian promised to restore his fhare of Paphlagonia to Pylamenes the lawful King; and, by way of fulfilling his promife, proclaimed his own fon King of that country, by the name of Pylæmenes.

This affair had no important confequences: but the enterprizes of Mithridates upon Cappadocia produced an open rupture between him and the Romans.'This rupture, as will appear in the fequel, ended in the utter ruin of Mithridates, who made a moft deplorable exit.

REV. Feb. 1763.

I

The

The seventh chapter relates the unsuccessful attempt of Livius Drufus, Tribune of the People, to procure the Italian Allies the privileges of Roman citizenship.-The war of Rome with her Italian Allies, is the fubject of the chapter next ensuingAnd the occafion of the firft Mithridatic war, under the conduct of three Roman Generals, is related in the ninth.

The tenth chapter contains more interefting matter-It treats of the civil commotions raised by Marius and Sylla-Of the exploits of Sylla, who procured the banishment of his rival-Of the adventures and diftreffes of Marius, who paffed into Africa -Of his return into Italy, on the invitation of Cinna the Conful-Of the violences and cruelties of Marius and Cinna-Of the death of Marius, who expired in his feventh Confulfhip.There is fomething fo extraordinary and affecting in the diftreffes of Marius, that we are perfuaded the Reader will not think the following extract tedious.

In the evening of that day on which he made his escape, he arrived at a villa of his own, called Salonium, and from thence fent his fon to fome neighbouring farms belonging to his father-in-law Mucius, there to provide neceffaries for their voyage. He himself went in the mean time to Oftia, where his friend Numerius, having prepared him a fhip, he, without staying for his fon, but taking with him Granius, his wife's fon by a former husband, weighed anchor. Paffing along the coaft of Italy with a favourable wind, he was in no fmall apprehenfion of one Geminius, a man of great intereft at Tarracina, and his enemy. He therefore bad the failors keep off from that place; and they were willing to obey; but the wind changing, and blowing hard from the fea, and their veffel being scarce able to refift the waves, Marius too being indifpofed, and fea-fick, it was with great difficulty they could get fo far as Circeii, on this fide of Tarracina.

The ftorm now increafing, and their provifions failing, they went on fhore, and wandered up and down they knew not whither; avoiding, as it ufually happens in great dangers, the prefent evil, and relying on uncertain hopes. The land and the fea were both perilous: they feared to meet with people, and yet, wanting food, feared more to meet with nobody. Towards night they light upon a few poor herdsmen, who unhappily had nothing to give them but knowing Marius, they advited him to get away as foon as poffible, for they had feen a party of horse in fearch of him. Marius feeing that his attendants, fpent with long fafting, were unable to go farther, turned afide out of the road, and hid himself in a thick wood, where he paffed the night in great diftrefs. The next day, though pinched