brought the Kentucky Child Labor Association into being and into action with us. The labor organizations, as well as the aforesaid association, worked hand in hand for the passage of the bill. Fraternally yours, PETER CAMPBELL, Chairman Legislative Committee, Kentucky State Federation of Labor. Massachusetts. BOSTON, January 22, 1912. Your letter regarding Child Labor legislation has been referred to me for reply. As to the organizations interested, I would say that the Massachusetts Child Labor Commission has charge of the matter. Among the membership on the Commission are Mr. Arthur M. Huddell, the Building Trades business agent in Boston; Mr. Henry Abrahams, Secretary of the Boston Central Labor Union, and Mr John Golden, President of the United Textile Workers of America. They are active members of, and have control of affairs in, the organization, which has carried on a large share of the active work regarding child labor in this State for several years, this being particularly true in reference to such matters as the fifty-four hour law, where minors as well as women have been protected. Fraternally yours, JOHN WEAVER SHERMAN, Minnesota. DULUTH, January 19, 1912. Until the 1911 session of the Legislature of Minnesota, the only Child Labor legislation enacted in this State was through the influence and sole effort of the Minnesota State Federation of Labor. At the last session we were ably supported by the Minnesota Child Labor Committee, of which our Federation is an integral part, and really the mainstay, although too much credit can not be given the Social Welfare Workers and the Minnesota Federation of Women's Clubs for the assistance they rendered. The Bureau of Labor law was amended so that every Factory Inspector is also a State-wide truant officer, and the Bureau of Labor is given the responsibility of enforcing the compulsory education law, which is much stronger and more easily of enforcement than the Child Labor law. This amendment was enacted as a result of the recommendation of the Bureau of Labor during my administration of it, and the amendment was supported by the Child Labor Committee and our labor representatives in the Legislature. Minnesota makes it difficult to employ children under 16 years of age. Our law is a little better than the average State law. Fraternally yours, W. E. MCEWEN, Secretary Treasurer, KANSAS CITY, January 15, 1912. The Missouri State Federation of Labor was the most active in having child labor laws placed upon the statute books. We had some assistance from some of the Women's Clubs, also from the Women's Trade Union League. We are fortunate in this State in having our Labor Commissioner and his Deputies, also the Factory Inspector and his Deputies, all members of trade unions. They are doing what they can to see that these laws are enforced. Yours fraternally, JOHN T. SMITH, Secretary Treasurer, BUTTE, January 21, 1912. Replying to your communication bearing on the question of Child Labor laws operative in this State, will say that the responsible element for their enactment were the organized labor bodies. Fraternally yours, OSCAR M. PARTELOW, Secretary, Nebraska. OMAHA, January 16, 1912. The Child Labor law of Nebraska has a 14-year age limit. It was placed upon the statute books of our State through the energies of the organizations of labor. Fraternally yours, W. A. CHRISMAN, Secretary-Treasurer, New Hampshire. MANCHESTER, N. H., January 27, 1912. The Society for the Betterment of Child Labor and the New Hampshire State Federation of Labor worked together for the passage of the Child Labor Law of this State. Mr. Harry F. Hollis, of Concord, was the attorney employed by the State. He, with the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Mr. Morrison, drew up the bill. They adopted the suggestion of the Federa tion, so that we acted together. While the bill is not all we would desire, it is superior to the law which it replaces. Fraternally yours, JOHN J. COYNE, Secretary, New Hampshire Federation of Labor. New Jersey. NEWARK, February 7, 1912. The present Child Labor Laws of New Jersey were drawn by Attorney Jos. A. Beecher, of Newark, N. J., by the direction of the Executive Board of the New Jersey State Federation of Labor, and at the request of Mr. Henry Gottlieb, Legislative Committeeman of the New Jersey State Federation of Labor, the bill was introduced in the Legislature and passed. Fraternally yours, JOHN A. MOFFITT, Past President, New Jersey State Federation of Labor. New York. ALBANY, January 18, 1912. The State Federation of New York backs up all Child Labor legislation presented either by the Consumers' League or the Child Labor Commit. tee, but the most of such legislation was put upon the statute books of this State by the State Federation of Labor before such organizations were born. It can safely be said that the State Federation of Labor has been responsible for all, or nearly all, of the Child Labor legislation in New York State. Fraternally yours, T. D. FITZGERALD, Chairman, Legislative Committee, New York State Federation of Labor. North Dakota. FARGO, N. D., February 3, 1912. The Federated Women's Clubs of the State have done more to bring this law about than any other organization or society. The local Central Labor Union of Fargo has a committee working in conjunction with the Ministerial Association, with the aim of having several parts of the present Child Labor law changed. The joint committee is now waiting to hear from the Child Labor Law Committee of New York, as to what they favor in behalf of a uniform Child Labor Law. When this joint committee is ready to report the changes they think best, and they are approyed by our Central Labor Union, we have plans ready to agitate the subject through our official organ and our State organization, in co-operation with the Ministerial Associations and the Federated Women's Clubs of the State. Fraternally yours, JOHN OLIVER, Secretary-Treasurer, North Dakota State Federation of Labor. Ohio. Cleveland, January 13, 1912. The Ohio State Federation of Labor, of course, initiates all the Child Labor, the Compulsory Education, and Safety Appliance laws of Ohio. We are assisted by the Women's Trade Union and Union Label Leagues, the Women's Suffrage Association, and various other councils of women, the Consumers' League, the State Department of Workshops and Factories, the School Superintendents, the Teachers and Truant Officers, the National Child Labor Committee, and any other organization that we can possibly use to aid in getting votes for our measures. With such aid, I am pleased to say that we have been successful in getting enacted into law a greater part of the legislation that we have asked for. Fraternally, HARRY D. THOMAS, Secy. -Treas., Oklahoma. OKLAHOMA CITY, OKLA., January 19, 1912. A Child Labor law was enacted at the second session of the Oklahoma State Legislature in the year 1909. At the third session, in 1911, a bill was passed that gave to the Labor Commissioner's department its enforcement. This was an improvement, as this department has always been more in accord with the law than any other department of the State. The Oklahoma State Federation of Labor, the Farmers' Union, and the railway organizations of the State claim all the credit for the enactment of this law. Before the Constitutional Convention it was our organizations that demanded that provisions be made providing for a Labor Department, a Labor Commissioner, a Mine Inspection Department, a Mine Inspector, a Department of Charities, and a Commissioner of Charities and Correction. Since the adoption of the constitution we have fathered every law that has been enacted vitalizing these departments and intended to benefit the laboring people of our State. We are fortunate in having a Labor Commissioner who is in thorough accord with the Federation and our labor laws. He has a very efficient force of deputies and has been highly successful in the enforcement of the labor laws. Fraternally yours, C. C. ZEIGLER, President, Oklahoma State Federation of Labor. Oregon. PORTLAND, OREGON, January 28, 1912. The Child Labor laws and the Child Labor Commission are almost exclusively the work of the Oregon State Federation of Labor. The original law submitted by the Oregon State Federation of Labor was defeated, but later attempts were successful. The Child Labor Commission is formed of three persons, one of whom must come from the ranks of organized labor. The Secretary of this commission receives a salary of $125 per month. The Commissioner of Labor in his fourth biennial report says: "Oregon has a good law governing the child labor question, and the Child Labor Commission has done effective work in enforcing the same in co-operation with this office (the Bureau of Labor Statistics). This law finds its greatest application in Portland and surrounding territory, where its enforcement has been left almost entirely to the Child Labor Commission, through its Secretary, Mrs. M. R. Trumbull." Fraternally yours, W. NOFFKE, Secretary Treasurer, Pennsylvania. LANCASTER, PA., January 26, 1912. The present Child Labor Law was introduced at the instigation of the Pennsylvania Child Labor Association. The Pennsylvania Federation of Labor assisted in urging its adoption by the Legislature. Our State Federation of Labor is constantly doing all it can to further legislation in this direction. Fraternally yours, E. E. GREENAWALT, President, Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor. Rhode Island. PROVIDENCE, January 12, 1912. The following persons and organizations were instrumental in getting the Child Labor law of this State passed by the Legislature: The Rhode Island State Branch of the American Federation of Labor; the Rhode Island Federation of Women's Clubs; the Rhode Island Joint Committee on Child Labor; the Chief Factory Inspector, Mr. J. Elery Hudson; Mrs. Carl Barus, of the Philmonic and Educational and Women's Societies. Fraternally yours, L. E. HERSEY, Secretary, Rhode Island State Federation of Labor. Texas. WACO, January 16, 1912. The original Child Labor law of Texas, passed in 1903, was the first result of the legislative work of the Texas State Federation of Labor, which was organized a few months before the meeting of the session of the Legislature. During the last session of the Legislature, in 1911, we secured effective amendments to this law. Fraternally yours, JOHN R. SPENCER, Secretary, Vermont. BARRE, VT., January 22, 1912. The Vermont State Branch of the American Federation of Labor is responsible for the enactment of the Child Labor law in Vermont, and the amendment made to the law during the biennial session of 1910-11 is the joint effort of the Vermont State Branch and the Child Labor League. The amendment passed the Senate and House of Representatives practically unanimously Fraternally yours, ALEX IRONSIDE, Secretary, Vermont Federation of Labor. Washington. SEATTLE, January 21, 1912. The State Federation of Labor has at all times in our State been the leader in a demand for child labor legislation. We have had the support of some women's organizations and some churches, but they have not been very enthusiastic. The enforcement of this legislation is in the hands of the State Labor Commissioner. Fraternally yours, CHARLES R. CASE, Secretary, Washington State Federation of Labor. Wisconsin. MILWAUKEE, WIS., January 13, 1912. During its existence the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor has always been active and aggressive in the matter of Child Labor legislation, Previous to 1903 Frank J. Weber had charge of all labor legislation for the State Federation. Beginning with 1903 and up to the present time I have acted for the Federation in this capacity and have been assisted to some extent by the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Consumers' League. The present law was originally drawn at the University of Wisconsin and finally passed under pressure of campaign promises by the Republican reform faction of the 1911 Legislature, constantly being backed up by the Social Democratic group of that Legislature. The enforcement of the Child Labor laws, however, is another story. In the past this has been woefully lax, and I have had endless trouble in securing the enforcement, mainly due to the po litical appointments of factory inspectors and Judges who decided in favor of the employers. But, due to the institution of Civil Service in factory inspection and the power of public opinion on a rotten judiciary, there are hopes for more protection of the children in the future. In fact, we have good results now. Manufacturers tell me they were behind in their orders because of the eight-hour provision in the Child Labor law, on which account the children were discharged. One manufacturer said: "We had to let our children go, but we do not care because it applies to all of us." The Legislature of 1911 passed a lot of wholesome legislation due to our activity. Fraternally yours, FRED BROCKHAUSEN, Secy..Treas., Wisconsin State Federation of Labor. Reports have not yet been received at headquarters, American Federation of Labor, from the labor organizations of Alabama, Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Tennessee, Utah, Virginia, and West Virginia. COMMON SENSE APPLIED TO THE ACT. EDITORIAL. By SAMUEL GOMPERS. Lawyers have talked for days and weeks in various courts on the Sherman act, books have been written about it, long decisions have been handed down from the courts regarding its provisions, Congress and Congressional committees have debated the act and gone into print in the Congressional Record and other public documents over it to the extent of thousands of pages, and times without number tens of thousands of newspapers have quoted from it, commented on it, guessed at its meaning, and taken sides upon it. The United States Supreme Court has divined its intent to be restriction of "unreasonable" restraint, certain big trusts have decided to dissolve and reassociate in such manner as to avoid penalties under it, but the sum and substance of all the destructive effects of the act is today borne alone by organized labor. Why? Is it because organized labor is named, particularized, selected and separated by the terms of the act as the one foremost, heinous, unmistakable, and dangerous monopoly in the nation, or is it for other reasons? We challenge the judgment of the intelligent layman's mind on the act as it stands. Let it be read, section by section, by the average citizen, a man without prejudice, unburdened by over-learning, indifferent to its bearing on private interests, his mind unclogged by legal precedent, his intention. being to take its words in their common meaning and to make the discriminations implied in its terms. What would be the leading discrimination to occur to such a citizen's mind? Would it not be that the act was meant to apply to monopolists of "any part of trade or commerce," to combinations of traders and commercial men "in restraint of trade or commerce," to contracts or conspiracies on the part of men engaged in some form in the buying or selling or transporting of material commodities? "Restraint of trade?" Why, the churches are engaged, with hardly an exception, in actively restraining and in every way discountenancing trade in certain commodities, transactions which are legal and which yield an enormous revenue to municipal, State, and Federal governments. Trade, of itself, has in this particular no sanctity. A Supreme Court representing liquor and cigar dealers might, if led by the mere phraseology of the Sherman act, level an injunction paper at every minister in the land who should advise his congregation to boycott the products of these trades. And a compliant President might thereupon approve. "There must be no favored classes in this country." Workmen's unions are not a class of traders. They are as distinct from traders as are the churches. "Class" must necessarily, when used in the law with clearness, apply to similars in function. The function of wageworkers in nowise extends to commercial dealings in commodities. Labor unions do not employ capital; trusts, combinations of traders, commercial firms, employ capital. Labor unions declare no dividends; they transport no goods; they possess no manufacturing or other productive or distributive establishments; they issue no stocks or bonds. They can not enter the markets to monopolize, conspire, or combine. As a fact, neither the unions nor their members in their united activities ever restrain trade. They but deviate it. With increasing wages, they promote it. The trade unionists would therefore not be a privileged class if exempted from the provisions of the Sherman act. Vegetarians boycott meat; they have that right. Abstainers boycott alcohol; they have that right. Tenants boycott insanitary houses, to the injury of the landlords; they have that right. Moralists boycott the decadent theater; they have that right. So, with equal right, in defense of society, union wage-workers have a moral right-and ought to exercise the legal right-to boycott the products of employers who would degrade the American standard of living. We submit to the judgment of the average citizen that in doing so they are not to be classified with the trusts that monopolize natural resources, contract to reduce production, conspire to raise prices, and combine to restrain trade. Common sense, we declare, revolts at the proposal to confound the proceedings of the unions, the guardians of labor, with the processes of the avaricious plutocracy that manipulates markets, finance, and sometimes the law. The appeal is now to the Congress of the United States. It is an appeal to common sense, and we should not be disappointed. But if the men in control of that law-making tribunal shall fail in their duty, we shall appeal to the people, the referendum, the Supreme Court of Common Sense. During the last six months the campaign of 1912 has reached the stage of THE TRADE UNIONISTS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN. speech-making on the stump. The preliminary maneuvres, as everybody saw, began long before. The familiar tactics of the partisan leaders were in open play before the echoes of 1908 had fully died away. The aim of both sides, and the rival factions in both sides, has since been to gain approval of the strongest social elements, whatever they may be. The question with each has been, Which way can the people be headed? Nothing vicious in that principle— if no effort is made to head the people the wrong way. At the present date, the machinery of party warfare is in active operation. Presidential candidates are swinging around circles, Senators and Representatives are explaining their votes on the session's bills, the press is brilliant with early campaign fireworks, and the people are to be warmed up gradually in the course of the next eight months to the culminating point of political white heat. It is just here we would put in a word to trade unionists. Inform yourselves sufficiently on leading public questions to vote for candidates who |