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by the result would be lost in the general feeling agst the measure. But Joseph is not yet settled on the Spanish Throne; When so, defacto, he will be sovereign neither de facto, nor de jure, of any Spanish part of this Continent; the whole of which, if it had not on other accounts a right to separate from the peninsula, would derive it from the usurpation of Joseph. So evident is it that he can never be Ko of a Spanish Province, either by conquest or consent, that the Independence of all of them, is avowedly favored by the policy which rules him. Nor would a purchase under Joseph, place us an inch nearer our object. He could give us neither right, nor possession; and we should be obliged to acquire the latter by means which a grant from him would be more likely to embarrass than promote. I hope therefore that the French Government will be brought to feel the obligation & the necessity of repairing the wrongs, the flagrant wrongs in question, either by payments from the Treasury or negotiable substitutes. Without one or other or some fair equivalent there can be neither cordiality nor confidence here; nor any restraint from self redress in any justifiable mode of effecting it; nor any formal Treaty on any subject. With Justice on this subject, formal stipulations on others might be combinable.

As the Hornet had reached F. before the sailing of the Constitution, and the latter had not a very short passage, we shall soon look for further communications from you. I hope they will correspond equally with your patriotic exertions, and the public

calculations. If they do not exhibit the conduct of the F. Govt in better colors than it has yet assumed, there will be but one sentiment in this country, & I need not say what that will be.

Be assured of my affectionate esteem.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.

WASHINGTON, Mar: 6, 1812.

DEAR SIR,-I return the letter from Foronda inclosed in yours of the 19th Feb! I find I shall not be able to read his lucubrations in print. The letter from Dr. Guantt[?] is in the hands of the Secy of war, and will not be unheeded; but the course the nominations have taken makes it doubtful whether the wishes in behalf of his son can be fulfilled. You will see that Congs, or rather the H. of Rs, have got down the dose of taxes.1 It is the strongest proof they could give that they do not mean to flinch from the contest to which the mad conduct of G. B. drives them. Her perseverance in this seems to be sufficiently attested by the language of L Liverpoole & Mr. Perceval in their parliamentary comments on the Regent's message. The information from F. is pretty justly described in the paragraph inserted in the Nat! Intelligencer after the arrival of the Constitution. The prints herewith inclosed are forwarded to you at the request of Thoms Gimbrede, (of N. York,) the author.

The vote was 56 to 34, passed Mar. 4th-Annals of Cong, 12th Cong., Part 1, p. 1155.

SPECIAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

March 9, 1812.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: I lay before Congress copies of certain documents which remain in the Department of State.1 They prove that at a recent period, whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality toward Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British Government, through its public minister here, a secret agent of that Government was employed in certain States, more especially at the seat of government in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in intrigues with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain.

In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy union of these States which, under Divine Providence, is the guaranty of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity.

TO JONATHAN DAYTON.

CHIC. HIST .SOC. MSS.

[March 17, 1812.]

In the latter end of the year 1808, and spring of 1809, two anonymous letters were addressed, one

This was the famous Henry correspondence which showed that a secret agent of the British government had been engaged in reporting the extent of the disaffection towards the government in the New England States. The correspondence may be read in the Annals of Cong., 12th Cong., Part 1, p. 1162. For an account of the whole transaction see Henry Adams, v., 14 and 86, and vi., 176, et seq.

to the Hon Secy. of State, the other to the P. of the U. S. They related to a projected severance of the Union, brought to the knowledge of the writer, which was to be undertaken in case of a rupture with G. B. under the managem of men of high standing; but was obviated for the time by the accomodation settled with Mr. Erskine. The writer justly estimating the importance of bringing to pub. view the guilty associates, signified his intention to resume his disclosures, shd a future occasion call for them; and to give such evidences of their machinations as wd be conclusive. Such an occasion is formed by existing circumstances. The British designs agst our Union have been happily detected & exposed: But no evidence is produced, having like effect as to domestic plotters; who in the event of war, may be expected to avail themselves of that advantage, in seizing any favorable moment for renewing their machinations. As the motives to the communications & purposes alluded to are doubtless unchanged & as to the want of name & dates to the letters conveying them, is supplied by the handwriting, & post marks, this note may recall the subject to the writer, at a moment singularly critical. A Come of investigation, under the title of Com of For relations, having been app! by the H. of Rep any name & proofs, or the sources of them may be either pointed out to

The anonymous letters cannot be found. Jonathan Dayton was a revolutionary veteran, Senator from New Jersey 1799 to 1805, speaker of the House of Representatives 1795 to 1799. He was arrested for alleged conspiracy with Aaron Burr, but never tried.

that body, or otherwise made known as may be thought proper.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.

WASHINGTON April 3, 1812

DEAR SIR,-I have rec2 your favor of the 26th, and have made to the members of the Cabinet the communication you suggest with respect to your printed Memoir on the Batture. I learn from the Department of State that some books were recd for you, and duly forwarded. What they were was not ascertained or remembered. If they do not on their arrival correspond with your expectation, let me know, & further enquiry will be made. Meantime there is in my possession, a very large packet, addressed to you, which is probably a Continuation of Humboldts draughts, or other Maps. It was accompanied by no letter to me, and being unfit for the mail, waits for the patronage of some trusty traveller, bound in the stage towards Monticello. A late arrival from G. B. brings dates subsequent to the maturity of the Prince Regent's authority. It appears that Percival, &c, are to retain their places, and that they prefer war with us, to a repeal of their Orders in Council. We have nothing left therefore, but to make ready for it. As a step to it an embargo for 60 days was recommended to Congs on Wednesday, and agreed to in the H. of Reps by about 70 to 40.1 The Bill

1 On April 1 Madison sent the following message to Congress: "Considering it expedient under existing circumstances and prospects, that

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