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4. The percentage of children who are learning to write is 65 in a school of 60 children, and 78 in another school of 70; what is the percentage in the two schools together? Grammar.-1.
“Sometime this world was so steadfast and stable
That man's word was held obligation ;
CHAUCER.–Ballad sent to King Richard. a. Give the meaning of the above pussage in simple English of the present day.
b. Explain all the old-fashioned words that occur in the passage.
c. Point out any words in the above which show that the English language, as Chaucer used it, was not pure Saxon.
d. Parse the words in italics.
Geography.-1. Give “Notes of a Lesson ” to a Second Standard on “Day and Night,” what causes them, and why are they not always of equal length ?
2. What are the chief physical differences between the “Old World” and the “New World ? ” Answer as fully as you can.
3. Describe the “ Gulf Stream,” its causes, and its effects. Draw a map of the Gulf of Mexico, and show on it the direction of the “Stream.”
History.-1. What was Poynings' Law of 1495 ? Explain its object.
2. Among onr chief foreign dependencies show which we have acquired by conquest and which by colonisation.
3. When and where did Napoleon I. die ? Explain how he came to be there.
Composition.— Write an essay on the English Monarchy.
Euclid.-(The only abbreviation allowed for “the square on A. B." is "sq.01 A. B.” and for “the rectangle contained by A. B. and C. D.' " rect. A. B., C. D.") 1. Find the number of sides in an equiangular polygon which has four angles together equal to seven right angles.
2. If a straight line be divided into two equal parts, and also into two unequal parts, the rectangle contained by the unequal parts, together with the square on the line between the points of section, is equal to the square on half the line.
3. In obtuse angled triangles, if a perpendicular be drawn from either of the acute angles to the opposite side produced, the square on the side subtending the obtuse angle, is greater than the squares on the sides containing the obtuse angle by twice the rectangle contained by the side upon which, when produced, the perpendicular falls, and the straight line intercepted without the triangle between the perpendicular and the obtuse angle.
Algebra.-1. If a b (c + d-e-f) # cd (e + f-a-b) + ef la + b-c-d =0, then (a-c) (6-f) (e-d)=(a-e) (b-d) (
c f.) 2. Find the G. C. M. of 23 -9 2 + 26:1-24 and 23 – 12.02 + 47x 60, and resolve it into factors.
3. Solve the equations :
(1.) 5 7x + 10 y=149.
| 11&–14 y + 119=C. (2.) a + 2 — 2_13
– 2' x + 2 6 Mensuration.-l. Give the roles in the following cases :-(a.) The circumference of a circle being given, to find the diameter. (6.) The angle of a sector of a given circle being given, to find its area. Find the diameter of a circle which is less than the circumference by 10
2. A railway platform is 54 yards long, 21 yards broad. How many planks does it contain, each being 13 feet long and 11a links wide ?
CYPRUS: Halfpenny Geography of, For Schools; with Map.
60. PER DOZEN, post-free. Single Copies, id. post-free. H. MAJOR, Leicester; SCHOLASTIC TRADING COS.; and SIMPKIN & MARSHALL. The recent ontbreak of another Afgban War once more calls attention
to Afghanistan. This country is fully described in the Editor's
EXAMINATION QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
For Candidates and Years 1.-V.
What England has done for India. Dr. W. W. Hunter, C.I.E., Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India, delivered a lecture on Tuesday to the members of the Philosophical Institution, Edinburgh, on the subject, “ What the English have done for the Indian people.” After premising, in regard to our relations with the East, that what we had reason to fear was not the cry of “ Perish India," but the cry of “ Perish the responsibilities entailed upon us by our rule in India," he remarked that if, as some alleged, we had failed to benefit the Indian races he could sympathize with those who questioned whether we should continue to accept or entail the responsibilities which Indian rule involved, for no Government had a right to exist which did not exist in the interests of the governed. The test of British rule in India was not what it had done for ourselves, but what it had done for the Indian people. If our attempt to administer that vast and distant Empire had turned out a failure; if its people were not more free, more secure, and more prosperous under British rule than they were under their native dynasties, then the wise course for Great Britain would seem to be to curtail her former responsibilities, to accept no new ones, and to withdraw, as far as might be, from the undertaking to which she had proved unequal. If, on the other hand, British rule in India meant order in place of anarchy, protection in place of oppression, government by the law in place of misgovernment by the sword, and a vast free people dwelling in safety, where of old each man was beaten down beneath whomsoever was stronger than himself, then he thought Great Britain might with a firm heart continue to accept the great responsibility which had fallen to it, and calmly face the duties that responsibility involved. After remarking that during the last ten years it had been his business to visit almost every winter the 12 provinces of India and superintend a survey of their population and resources, Dr. Hunter said he had often amused himself in imagining what a Hindoo of the last century would think of the present state of his country if he could re-visit the earth. After he had got accustomed to the fact that thousands of square miles of jungle had been turned into thickly-peopled crop lands, that fever-smitten swamps had been covered with healthy and well-drained cities, that the mountain walls which shut off the interior from tho sea had been pierced by roads and scaled by railways, and that the great rivers which formed the barriers between provinces and desolated the country with their floods had been spanned by bridges and tapped by canals, he would note as even more surprising than these outward changes the security of the people; the fact that the multitudinous native states which used to be in a condition of jealous isolation, broken only by merciless wars, were now trading quietly with each other, bound together by railways and roads, by the post and the telegraph; and the appearance all over the country of hospitals, schools, and courts of justice. Proceeding to present a few scenes of the panorama which India would afford to such a visitor, the lecturer commenced with a glance at the frontiers of India in the last century. While guarded along the whole length of its boundaries by mountains and the sea, it had at its north-easteru and north-western corners two sets of gateways which connected it with the rest of Asia.
Through these successive hordes of invaders had poured into India, and in the middle of last century six such invasions on a great scale occurred in 23 years-such invasions signifying not merely a host of from 20,000 to 100,000 barbarians on the march, paying for nothing, and eating up every town and cottage and farm-yard on the way, burning and slaughtering on the slightest provocation, and often in mere sport- but also a grand final massacre at the capital of the invaded country. In the first of these six invasions, led by a soldier of fortune from Persia, 8,000 men, women, and children were hacked to pieces in one forenoon in the streets of Delhi; while the five Afgban invasions which followed formed one of the most appalling tales of bloodshed and wantou cruelty ever inflicted on the human race. During these years, the border land between Afghanistan and India lay silent and waste ; indeed, districts far within the frontier which had once been thickly peopled and were now again thickly peopled were swept bare of inhabitants. The Afghan question survives to this day, but its present form, although by no means easy of solution, was preferable to the shape in which it presented itself in the last century. That question had now passed beyond the range of purely Indian politics, and must be decided by the deliberate voice of the British Parliament. British officials in India are neither Whigs nor Tories, but simply a body of administrators doing their best to govern an Asiatic country without reference to European politics and in the interests of the people themselves. The task, in its present dimensions, was a sufficiently vast one, and so far as he might speak for those officials, he should say that neither did they desire annexation nor did they shrink from the responsibility which annexation, when necessary, involved. It was for the British nation, not for their Indian servants, to settle the future of Afghanistan; but if the nation resolved that Afghanistan was to cease to be a turbulent neighbour, and that she was to become henceforth a well-ordered part of the Indian Empire, then the past history of that Empire showed that there would be no permanent difficulty in giving effect to that decision, British rule had taught more unruly, more numerous, and far better organized races than the Afghans the lesson of settling down into peaceful industry. That lesson was not to be taught in a single year, and both teachers and learners might make some serious mistakes at first; but the task of dealing with Afghanistan was one of less magnitude than the task of dealing with the Punjab was thirty years ago. If Great Britain decided that a similar course was to be adopted in Afghanistan as was adopted in the Punjab, the same results wonld follow. Indian soldiers had again proved that they knew how to conquer, and Indian administrators would again show that they knew how to govern. The mass of the Afghanistan people, no longer ground down by the military clans, would find that a new era of prosperity and security had begun; while, before ten years were over, the military clans of Afghanistan would pride themselves, as our late enemies, the Ghoorkas and the Sikhs, now did, on supplying the best disciplined and most loyal regiments to our Indian Army. Another frontier people would be added to the long list of wild races who had turned their spears into pruning-hooks under British rule. In the last century, Dr. Hunter proceeded to remark, invasions were yearly events
ng the whole frontier of India. The Himalayas formed a lipe of fortresses from which the hill races poured down upon the plains, and for more than 1,500 miles along their foot stretched a thick belt of territory which no oue dared to cultivate. On the north-eastern border, again, the history of the fertile valleys of Assam was one long narrative of invasion and extermination. The great mountain wall round Northern India failed, therefore, till the British came upon the scene, to afford any security to the Indian races. The sea, which formed the natural defence of the rest of the country, was, in like manner, only a source of new dangers, being infested by pirates who burnt the villages and massacred or carried off into slavery the inhabitants. This state of things could not be permitted under British rule, and the first business of England was to secure India from foreign invasions. The sea robbers were effectively dealt with and the Indian waters rendered as safe as the English Channel. The subjugation of the unruly tribes of the Himalayan frontier took a longer time and was less complete, as our troubles with Afghanistan attested. But by persuasion, and when necessary by chastisement, we had taught the wild races along the whole north-eastern frontier, for a distance of 1,500 miles, that they must keep quiet and betake themselves to some other livelihood than the pillage of the husbandmen on the plains. Most of them had been apt scholars. The great kingdom of Nepaul, on the north, which forced us to correct its inveterate practice of raiding by two campaigns, followed by partial annexation, had for the last sixty years been our firm ally. Other native states, like the Principality of Cooch Behar, at once settled down into peaceful industry, its first and only treaty with us, dated 1773, remaining unbroken by either party to this day. A firm frontier being established, the peasantry spread themselves out upon the fertile depopulated lands. The task of reclaiming those tracts had been a heavy one. In some parts, as in the now populous district of Goalpara, more money was spent until twenty-five years ago by Government in rewards for killing the wild beasts than the whole sum realized from the land revenue. While the natives of India had pushed their rice cultivation towards the foot of the mountains, English capitalists had dotted their slopes with tea plants. Not less than 13,000 square miles of this border land had been reclaimed, and yielded each year 16 millions' sterling worth of food, the tea gardens alone exporting last year three millions' worth of tea, chiefly to England. They had heard a good deal about a scientific frontier for India. He was not going to say a word on that vexed subject, but it wonld be well to realize the meaning of an unscientific frontier in India. The anscientific frontier of the last century suggested that 60,000 square miles of border land was abandoned to jungle and wild beasts, not because there were no people to cultivate the soil, but because they did not dare to do so. An unscientific frontier signified a tract which might have yielded 30 millions' sterling worth of food each year lying untilled through terror of the turbulent hill aces. The improvements effected by a century of British rule in this old unscientific frontier meant that 13,000 square miles had been brought under the plough, yielding each year 16 millions' worth of food, or more than the whole cost of the Indian ariny and of the defence of the Indian Empire. But the task of freeing India from foreign invasion was not the only responsibility which the acquisition of the country entailed. The dying throes of the Mongol