higher classes have greatly improved; this cannot be denied, however much there is still to desire.

Manufactures, agriculture, and commerce have advanced greatly within that period. Russia had no commerce worth speaking of when Peter the Great came to the throne. She had not a port except Archangel on the White Sea; her manufactures were rude and Asiatic, and her agriculture was little better than that of the savage state. The government is doing much for the interests of their great national industries.

There was not a good road in Russia when Peter the Great ascended the throne. A good deal has been done, and much has been commenced in this direction. Several railroads have been made in Poland, one has been made from St. Petersburg to Moscow, and another is making from St. Petersburg to War

saw.

The day will come when Russia will be covered with railroads.

The education of the middle classes, as well as of the lower-especially the serfs of the Crown-has made much progress, however much remains to be attempted. One of the best of the ministers of the emperor, M. Ouwaroff-a scholar and a gentleman-is at the head of this department.

At the same time universities have been founded, and the interests of literature have been not a little promoted.

However rigorous the government may be in punishing offences,-civil, political and criminal,-there have been great ameliorations in the laws within the last 150 years. The administration of the courts is bad enough still; nevertheless there has been progress here also, as we could easily show.

The term of service in the army and navy has been considerably abridged, and that service is much improved. Excellent military and naval schools have been established, as we have shown in our former article.*

The relations of the serf to his master, as well as his rights and duties, are better defined, and his position is greatly ameliorated.

There are ninety-five newspapers in Russia, and sixty-six magazines and periodicals, devoted to the proceedings of learned societies. Of these, seventysix newspapers and forty-eight magazines are in the Russian language. The

rest are in the German, French, English, Polish, Latin (one newspaper), Georgian and Lettish. We are not sure that there was one newspaper published in the empire when Peter the Great took the helm of state into his own hands, in 1689,-one hundred and sixty-five years ago.

There has been a good deal done to diffuse the sacred Scriptures in Russia, and much to circulate religious tracts since 1812, and not in vain. The great fairs furnish admirable opportunities for scattering the truth far and wide.

The laws of Russia, consisting of the ukases of the czars, have been codified within a few years, and made more intelligible; and a law-school has recently been opened in St. Petersburg, the first ever seen in Russia.

Although the censorship of the press has, probably, not become less rigorous, yet it is better regulated than it was. With the exception of works on political subjects, and such as advance opinions on the subject of religion hostile to the Greek Church, there is but little difficulty in getting anything through the censorship. However rigid the censorship may be, a vast amount of important knowledge on almost all subjects is annually published in Russia. The Tract Society publishes nearly two hundred different tracts, in many languages, which set forth clearly the great doctrines of salvation, without attacking any form of faith or worship.

The "Holy Synod," in matters concerning the National Church (the GrecoRussian) and the "Senate," exerts an intermediate and important influence in the affairs of the government. And there is far more independent action on the part of the "communes," or townships, and larger civil "districts," in the management of local affairs than most foreigners have any idea of. These communes will one day be the normal schools of real liberty in Russia.

We might enumerate, if necessary, many other subjects of great moment relating to the state of things in Russia, and in regard to which there has been much progress within a comparatively short period. We have stated enough to show that there is progress, and that, too, in the right direction. The next hundred and fifty years will, probably, see a far greater progress than the last

have done. Russia is becoming more and more an European country.

A mighty change is going on silently and gradually. Her Asiatic despotism, her Czarism,* or that peculiar autocracy of the emperor, which seems to have come from an imitation of the Tartar Princes of Kasan and Astrakan, and the Khans of the Crimea, will give place to a constitutional monarchy-or else to a Republic! Nor is the day of this great change as far distant as many suppose. The "Czarovitsch," or heir-apparent, is an enlightened and amiable man, and much resembles his uncle, the late Emperor Alexander, after whom he has been named. He was born in April, 1818, and consequently is 36 years of age. Should he survive his father, he will come to the throne at a mature age, and having considerable experience, and not as his father, who was called to the throne unexpectedly to himself (his older brother, Constantine, refusing to take it, in obedience to a compact made with his brother Alexander, three years before the death of the latter), at the age of 29, and with scarcely any experience in public affairs. Good men in Russia have for years entertained great expectations from him. His character is amiable, and his mind well-informed, though not remarkable for strength. He is a lover of peace, and of the arts of peace. He is the author of some of the best measures going forward in Russia, one of which is the railroad enterprise. We have heard him deplore, with much simplicity and earnestness, the backward state of Russia with regard to civilization. It is reported that he is opposed to the present war, and that he, on this account, is not on the best terms with his father. It is known that he has interceded with his father in behalf of distinguished men exiled to Siberia for political offences. It is hoped that he will turn his attention promptly, and with energy, to four great subjects of

reform:-1st. The breaking up of the whisky (or brandy, as they call it), monopoly, which is spreading ruin over the empire; for the government, in order to raise a revenue, farms out the right to make and sell brandy (rye-whisky) in all the provinces, and so raises at least $26,000,000, which is about the fifth part of the entire revenue of the empire. 2d. The abolition of slavery or serfage. This his father seemed bent upon doing some fourteen years ago, but he has relinquished the project. He has, however, taken some good preparatory steps, by recommending to his nobles to liberate their serfs for a pecuniary consideration. 3d. The reorganization of the public establishments of education, and the introduction of a popular schoolsystem of universal operation. 4th. The

granting a full and equal measure of religious liberty, and thus opening the door to unobstructed religious effort. These great measures we deem fundamental, and absolutely necessary to secure a good constitutional government, founded on the basis of a proper amount of liberty. Nor are we without hope that something like this will be attempted if this prince should come to the throne. We have ceased to expect anything of the sort from his father, whose grand errors have been an inordinate passion for military affairs-for having an immense army, and, even a large navy, far larger than the commerce of Russia demands; too great a fondness for governing; and too great an attachment for both routine and display; and a great neglect of the true moral wants of the nation.

As to the Emperor Nicholas, now in the 59th year of his age, and still in the vigor of his life, it is not easy to speak of him in terms which will satisfy either his warm admirers or his bitter enemies. By the former he is lauded as if he were an ANGEL, and by the latter he is denounced as if he were a DEMON. Tall and well-formed in person, possessing

large blue eyes and features of great beauty, wearing whiskers and a short moustache, and carrying himself with great dignity, he is, physically considered, the beau-ideal of a prince. In disposition he is said to be naturally amiable; and for a long time his character was believed to be free from the stain of immorality. But a change has been going on for years. Possessing great determination of mind, and an iron will, his temperament has, in the lapse of almost thirty years spent in wielding a power by many deemed absolute, been greatly and even sadly affected by daily collisions, resistance, and disappointment. His countenance, which in younger years often wore a most winning smile, is now become sterner, and often severe and repulsive. Benevolent impulsés have often led him to perform generous and noble deeds; but it is equally true that his treatment of political offenders of a high rank-especially in cases aiming at the overthrow of his throne, as, for instance, the attempt at revolution on the day (December 26, 1825) of his ascending that throne, has often been harsh and unrelenting. The Russians say that the czar ought to have an iron-hand, but that it should be gloved! It is certain that the Emperor Nicholas sometimes forgets to put on the glove. As seen promenading in the midst of a thousand courtiers, majestic and stern, he appears to be what he is, the very embodiment of the ezarism of which we have spoken. "It is not good," said the old and excellent Bernadotte of Sweden, when near his eightieth year, "for kings to become old." This is but too true; for if naturally amiable, they are in danger, in old age, of falling under the influence of favorites, and giving up the reins to them; if decided and firm, they are in danger of becoming obstinate and tyrannical. Nicholas is illustrating the latter of these positions; his brother, Alexander, illustrated the former.

As to the future of Russia, it is easy to forsee that the great Slavic race which constitutes her entire population, with the exception of twelve or fourteen millions, and is destined to absorb them, will, as it advances in civilization, become amazingly powerful. Count Gurowski has justly represented that race as naturally inclined to amalgamate with and absorb other races, instead of annihilating them, as the Teutonic nations have done. It has some wonderful

destiny" to fulfil, but is not yet very "manifest." Hitherto all its instincts have led it to look, so far as its aggressive course is concerned, to the East, or rather to Mohammedan countries, such as Khiva, Persia, and Turkey. There is not a moujik in Russia who, if he knows anything at all, does not believe that it is the grand mission of Russia to subjugate Mohaminedan nations, and destroy Islamism,--to place the Cross above the Crescent, and this because of the insults and injuries which Christianity, in the persons of the Russians, suffered at the hands of Mohammedan Mongols, and Tartars, and Turks. Any war with Turkey will be popular with the masses of Russia, who belong to the Greek Church.

But it is possible that by coming into contact with Western Europe, they may at length conceive the idea of conquest in that direction-especially in the portions of it in which there are remains of the Sclavic race, as in the eastern parts of the Austrian Empire, and the kingdom of Prussia. It may be that there is danger for Western Europe from that quarter. Bonaparte predicted that all Europe will become Cossack or Republican. As to the danger in question-should it arise, it must be met by the united energies of the nations of Western Europe. They are, and long will be, abundantly able to meet and repel that danger, if they will be united. It is clear that Russia can have but little hope of success in such an enterprise -even if headed by an Ivan the Terrible, or a Tamerlane-for these fifty or one hundred years, unless the Western nations become infatuated. And long before one hundred years pass away, there will be a Power in Western Europe which will be invincible by all such assaults. It will not be Monarchy, with its feudal institutions and ideas, but Democracy.

But czaric despotism will not be in existence in Russia a hundred years from this time, but constitutional monarchy, or better still, a well-established Republic, unless the cause of republicanism is to be retarded other half-centuries by the frightful excesses of vain, conceited, irreligious, and consequently immoral, red-republicans, of the French School of 1793, and 1848. But we hope for better things from the increase of popular education, the diffusion of knowledge, and the progress of a pure Biblical Christianity which is now seen,—slow,

but steady, not only in Western Europe, but also in Russia itself. We confess to being old-fashioned enough to believe that republican liberty (and there is little else that is worth much) is impossible without virtue, and virtue is impossible without religion-the religion of the Saviour, which makes a man feel that he is a man; not superstition, which makes men the tools and slaves of a priest.

As to Russia, there are 48,000,000 of people who are serfs, and 22,000,000 who are not, of whom about 750,000 are nobles. Subtract both serfs and nobles, and you have more than 21,000,000 merchants and traders, artisans of various classes, peasants and soldiers. These millions are advancing in knowledge and civilization. They will constitute the great basis on which free institutions must rest. Several millions of these people live in cities, towns and villages. Eight millions are in the Principality of Poland, the Baltic Provinces, and Finland, and Bessarabia. Two millions and a half are Protestants. Among these 21,000,000 are to be found all the mercantile activity, most of the enterprise, and much of the wealth of the empire. Nor must we forget the influence of the parish priests of the Greco-Russian Church-a Church which includes 50,000,000 souls, out of 70,000,000 of people, who constitute the entire population. This body of priests is great; and, including their families, they constitute a caste of half a million! The priests of the Greek Church in Russia must be married men. They are poor, many of them ignorant and degraded, and some of them intemperate and immoral. We have seen many of them. They are not universally the debased and immoral set which some writers have represented them to be. There are many excellent men among them-virtuous men, intelligent men, and good men. And their influence is immense among the masses. They live among the masses, associate with the masses, sympathize with the masses; and when the day comes, they will throw their mighty influence into the scale of popular rights, and the liberties of the people. They have little sympathy with the nobles and the official myrmidons of the throne. Russia has felt the influence of her priests for good in many an evil hour. She owes

her liberation from the Tartars very much to them. The protestant clergy (chiefly in conquered Finland and the Baltic provinces) will be found in the right place when their help is needed, and so will their people. Nor should we overlook the "Dissenters" in Russia, more than a inillion in number, who have left the National Church, among whom there are many excellent peopleresolute people, who have endured oppression and even persecution. Where will they be in the grand struggle for liberty? The question needs no answer. The freedom of Russia will probably spring from a religious movement. It is to such a movement that England and these United States owe their liberties and their free institutions.*

Nor will the lower classes of the nobles go en masse with despotism. Nor will the serfs, as they advance in knowledge, as they are certain to do, be wanting to the friends of liberty in the grand and protracted struggle which is drawing

near.

We

So much in the way of speculation on the future of Russia. Our readers will see that we are not disposed to look only at the dark side of the picture. have some confidence in humanity, but a vast deal more in God, and His great and good purposes in relation to this world,-Russia included. As to the present war, it is not likely to do more than restrain the ambition of the emperor, and save Turkey for a season. Neither Austria nor Prussia will go into it heartily, or at all, if they can help it. France and England and Turkey will have to go on without their active aid. Their neutrality is something, especially if Austria keeps Russia out of the "Principalities," as she seems resolved to do. We had hoped that the war would be a short one; but just now the prospect is not so favorable for peace. But who can tell what may be the contingencies of the coming winter? Europe is in a singular state. The death of the Emperor of Russia, or the Emperor of France, would have an amazing influence on the present position of things.

It was our purpose, in concluding this article, to say something respecting the works which have been written on Russia. A few words must suffice. If any one desires to get a general view of the literature of Russia, and especially of her

authors, let him get and read Professor Otto's excellent work; it has been translated and published in England. Schnitzler's volume on the Universities of Russia is very valuable, as are his other works on that empire. Of recent books of Travels in Russia, that of the Marquis de Custine is, perhaps, the most important; but it abounds in French prejudice, enormous exaggerations in regard to the discomforts, vermin, and almost everything else with which he met. Nevertheless, M. de C.'s book contains many truly philosophical views, and ought by all means to be read. He has understood the Oriental or Asiatic character of the country better than any other modern writer. His representations of the Greek Church, and its influence, are far from being correct. Indeed, if one may judge from his astounding ignorance of Protestantism, it ought not to appear surprising that he has not done justice to the Greek Church of Russia. M. de Custine is too much of a Roman Catholic to do justice to the religion of Russia. Another Frenchman, M. Marmièr, has written a very readable book about Russia, but it is superficial, and abounds in misstatements. As to M. de Lagny's little work (which has been republished in this country) it is a very poor affair. The Travels in Russia of our lamented Stephens is a very interesting book, but treats mainly of things which lie on the surface. The work of Mr. Maxwell, entitled, "The Czar,

his Court and people," is an excellent one, and contains much valuable information. Of Count A. Gurowski's RUSSIA AS IT IS, we have spoken elsewhere. It is the best of all, on many accounts-the most impartial, philosophical, and hopeful. Several works have recently appeared in England relating to Russia. Oliphant's Russian Shores of the Baltic may be read with advantage, though it is far from being free from prejudice. As to the Rev. Henry Christmas's "Nicholas I.," it contains considerable information, but it is too much made up of extracts from Marmièr, Lagny, Oliphant, and others. It is remarkable that Mr. C., writing this year, should not know that the Grand Duke Michael, the brother and best friend of the emperor, has been dead nearly five years! He is far wrong, in what he says on the subject of religious liberty in Russia. As to the older works on Russia, written by Englishmen, that of Dr. Edward Clarke is most interesting. Archdeacon Coxe's work contains much information. Barrow's Travels in Russia is a superficial work, and is now of little worth. Raikes' and Leitch's works (published some twenty years ago) are worth reading, and so are the two volumes of the Marquis of Londonderry, for they contain much valuable statistical information respecting the trade of Russia with Asia. Among the works written in England, long time ago, we may mention John Milton's Moscovia, which is still worth reading.

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