nothing but a tissue of plots aud counterplots, in which every veteran in that deathless struggle deserved a grobet. And in future the political lessons of consolidated America will be, slaves may grumble, but freemen must be silent. Resistance belong to despotism, but su mission to democracies. To question, will be the right of the subject, but to obey becomes the duty of the citizen. No. 3. "Gentlemen are welcome to their opinions; but I look upon that paper the (Federai Constitution) as containing the most fatal plan that ingenuity can devise to enslave a free people. If such be your rage for novelty, take it, indulge yourselves, but you never shall have my consent. My sentiments may appear extravagant, but I can tell you that a number of iny fellow-citizens have kindred sentiments; and I am anxious if my country should come into the hands of tyranny to exculpate myself from being in any degree the cause of it, and to exert my faculties to the utmost to extricate her.”—Patrick Henry on the Federal Constitution. I AM extremely solicitous to be understood as addressing myself to the thinking part of the community. To the considerate, reason is not without its effect; to the thoughtless, it is a waste of its use, and to the prejudiced it is an unholy profanation of its legitimate office. I do know there are men from whom the angels of Heaven could not obtain audience, and I awfully suspect they would withhold their belief from even a higher power. To such I have nothing to say ; but I fondly hope and believe there are men, and not a few in this country, who are not bhud to the force of truth, deaf to the calls of justice, or dead to the touch of sympathy. With such i would expostulate, and in the earnestness of my soul I would ask, by all their hopes of future happiness, do they not understand this clamarous opposition to Governor Troup? Can they not see the reason for all the obstacles thrown upon his path ? Are they so short-sighted, and will they lie under such a degrading re proach, as not to perceive, that every difficulty with which he is beset, has a personal and not the public interest at heart ? Will any believe that it was wrong in Governor Troup to urge, and to urge with zeal, the claims of our militia? Was it unbecoming in him to ask, nay, even demand, backed as he was by a solemn contract, the removal of the Indians and the possession of our public lands-lands which were ours before the union by conquest, and since, by purchase,--for which we had fought and for which we had paid? Who believes that it was treasonable in him to say that our negroes should not be wrested from us but at the risk of disunion? What is dearer to us than property, and what is union, nay, even the state government itself, if it cannot protect it?-1 solemnly pronounce that society resolved into its first elements that is unequal to the protection of either life, liberty, reputation or property. Has Governor Troup manifested too much zeal in procuring the late Treaty ? Is he blame-worthy for his indefatigable efforts to obtain the possession of the land, and to effect as early a setlement of it as possible? Does he deserve censure for his unsleeping vigilance over the interest of the people, and his unabated anxiety to place them in the full enjoyment of their long withheld rights? On the contrary who are attempting to defeat the treaty? Who are interposing every possible impediment in his way to prevent the po-session of this land? If this be the people's land, and it be an object with them as soon as possible to realize its advantages, who are their, friends on this occasion? he who is unceasingly striving to empty this bounty into their laps, or he who is actively and insidiously working to prevent it? The answer to these questions must open the eyes of the people; they must surrender their prejudices; they can no longer, and respect themselves, remain the slaves of passion, the dupes of intrigue, or the enemies of truth. In resuming the discussion of the question connected with the sale of our public lands to the general government, it will be readily perceived, that twenty-three years ago they received our vast domain, have organized within it two flourishing states, have derived and are deriving from it almost incalculable resources. They have annually exposed to sale some of their most fertile and valuable lands, making those states, born but yesterday, rival, and indeed outstrip their mother, state, one of the old thirteen," in wealth, population, strength aud political consequence. And yet the Indian title to the pittance that remained within our limits, is not yet extinguished. This is not all; their policy is rendering that object almost impracticable. Other states have had their Indian lands purchased for them, as a matter of favour, not of right, for there was no signed, sealed and written obligation to that effect. The lands on the border states have been acquired, and the consequence is, the Indians have been thrown in upon us, under circumstances presenting the odious alternative, to be acknowledged an independent nation in our very bosom, or to be incorported in colour, and identified in privilege, with the Georgians. And that this astonishing purpose should the more certainly result, the general government has commenced and fostered by every means, a regular and concerted system of civilization. They have been furnished, at the public expence, with schools, agricultural implements, missionaries, and indeed every support and countenance looking to that object. And this glaring outrage is attempted to be forced upon us under the hypocritical cant of christian benevolence, To our remonstrance they offer the ans wer of a whining charity; to our pro test they present a long drawn face; to our solemn objections they oppose the overcoming aspect of a snivel ing countenance and upraised eyes. This is done too by men drawn from other states, where the Indians have been literally exterminated: not content with driving them from place to place, from the ocear to the mountains, and from the mountains to the vallies but they have driven them by nations out of their very being. And now all at once these very godly given, and grace abounding pinks of piety, think that Georgia alone, ought to christianize the balance of th Indians.--Such rotten hearted hypocrisy smells to Heaven, and will. if it meets its merited reward, sink to perdition Can the United States seriously entertain the opinion that the state of Georgia will submit to this? Do they believe that our people will Consent to mix with that unfortunate race ? And can they for a mo ment suppose that they ought to remain in the very heart of the state, a sovereign and independent nation, a sanctuary for villany and a harbor for renegade; outlaws and refugee slaves? This they know can and will not be submitted to, even if it were a nation of white men, and yet they suffer the Indians to go on with their improvements; nay more, they permit them to taunt and deride us on account of the impotence of our arm. by reason of our federal trammels, to assert and recover our rights. They receive them in the caracter of ambassadors; hold diplomatic correspondences with them, (a thing unheard of with other Indians) put them upon a footing with the citizens of Georgia ; countenance their reproaches of us, by listening to their long complaints against us, in a tone of insolent opbraidings, in which they do not scruple to charge us with injustice, and brand us with avarice. I said in the beginning, the general government was not only unmindful of her engagements to us, but that she treated us with "mortifying disrespect :”—here is one of the instances. But the excuse of the general government for not complying with her contract, is, that, according to her stipulation, she has never seen the time, in twenty-three long years, when it was in her power to effect it upon "reasonable and peaceable terms." What a miserable evasion! whatever people out of this state may think on the subject, there not an honest man in it who believes it. What! not able to fulfil a contract in twenty-three years! If not in that time, when can it be done? Do they not believe if Georgia had kept her lands and undertaken to extinguish the title herself, she would not have accomplished it in that time? Do they not imagine that for compensation enough, offered in proper time, the Indians would have been induced to fall back upon the now state of Alabama, and then upon the state of Mississippi if necessary? But as regards our present limits, the first state would have been sufficient for our purpose. In honest truth, when did ever the general government even try to obtain all the lands for Gourgia ? Was it at the treaty of Fort Wilkinson? Was it at Jackson's treaty, when he marked off with his sword what he wanted, and could have acquired, whatever his government wished? When did they ever offer the Indis ans a “reasonable price" for their lands? Was it before they became, civilized, and such a sweet smelling savor of morality? Was it before they improved their lands, got in the notion of Independence, of turning, Ambassadors, breaking a quill with the secretary of war, and indulged by that dignified sage in their courtly humor, of writing philippics against Georgia and mouthing a great deal about the arts and sciences, their dripping blood and the graves and bones of their fathers and alį that pathetic nonsense? No! a reasonable price was never offered, when a reasonable price would have been successful. But what is a reasonable price? The general government sells Indian lands at one dollar and a quarter per acre.. Has she ever offered that price to the Indians for theirs? Does any one believe if she had, they would not long since have taken it? And who is there so incredulous as to doubt that every foot of Ledian land within the limits of Georgia, might now; be had for half that sum, especially with a comfortable home afforded to them across the Mississipni? I repeat, the proper exertions have not been made to carry this contract into effect-that punctitious regard to promise, that scrupulous observance of good faith, that nice sense of punctuality, that strict and highminded respect for adverse rights, which so delicately enter into and honestly controul the public engagements of states and nations, have all been wanting on the part of the union. Who believes that if this contract had been made with France or Great Britain it would have remained to this day, such a lasting and reproachful instance of national faithlessness? And what good reason can be offered why the state of Georgia should be treated with less fidelity than a foreign nation? But there is another fact connected with this .contract. that gives sharper edge to the contempt with which it has been treated by the general government, and consequently deeper chagrin to the feelings of Georgia. I have already shown that against the Yazoo fraud, the people of this state have invariably entertained the most abhorrent detestation. And the peculiar sensation which that question has always aroused in this country, was faithfully felt and represented by Governor Troup, when so ably denouncing that iniquitous transaction on the floor of Congress. Twelve years after the general govern ment stood pledged to Georgia to extinguish the Indian title to all the lands within her boundary, to the just performance of which, she bad the first and fairest claim, behold the Yazoo speculators urge the suc cessful demand for compensation which I have already mentioned. The government undertakes to pay them five millions of dollars. From what fund? from their own money? Not so, it was from Georgia's own land, from the very land which had been the subject of the original fraud, thereby virtually carrying into effect the first corrupt agreement.-But this is not all these Yazoo men, among whom was Gov. Troup's present competitor, have all been satisfied, they are paid and contented long ago, notwithstanding it was out of our own property, by virtue of a compromise long after our contract, and that too against our warm and repeated protestations. Now, who has the bardihood to say that these five milli ns of dollars, raised from the very land reded to the United States, would not have been amply sufficient to extinguish the Indian titles? Who had a better right to these five million of dollars than Georgia? She had in equity and good conscience a mortgage upon the lands until her most moderate contract was fulfilled. Many more important facts connected with this agreement might be presented, and certainly very many additional inferences reasonably deduced, but I do not wish to be tedious. This then forms the true foundation of the not less righteous, because often urged claims of Georgia. This is the subject that Governor Troup, supported by a consciousness of right, and actuated by a sense of duty, has so repeatedly, and I lament to say, so unsuccessfully, attempted to present to the slumbering justice of the general government. That he should be abused by designing and fault finding hypocrites a broad, and federalists who felt and sorely remember his lashings while in fongress, that he should he denounced by those tender hearted and meek mouthed saints of the North, who have so kindly taken every body's business into their holy hands, and the morality of the world into their charitable keeping, is nothing strange. But that these : slanders should be echoed at home, and studiously thrown into circulation that there should be found men willing to degrade their state with a view to destroy their Governor, to sacrifice its interest to secure his disgrace, is a matter of the most profound astonishment, and betrays an example of political dishonesty and moral depravity, heretefore unequalled in the strifes of human rivalry. All this, however, might be passed over as ever incident to the wild and irregular sallies of party-where power is their God and principle is but a name. But when the general government, countenanced by our sister states, seizes the urgency of our demands as a pretext for its delinquency, and wields the distempered effusions of public opinion for the purposes of usurpation when it wilfully misunderstands the freedom of speech, for the phrenzy of revolt, then there is cause of serious alarm and well calcu lated to bring the parties, in pale and breathless agitation, to a solemp and ominous review of the instument that binds them together. (No. 4. ) "The States will be degraded to the condition of vassals; your Federal officers will treat the State authorities with contempt-their very tax gatherers, and petty agents will catch the consequence of their masters, and assuming their air of superiority, will Lord it over our highest functionaries."-Patrick Henry on the Federal Constitution. IF there is one political curse in the vengeance of heaven, or a dire scourge in the horrors of war, greater than another, it is the flinging into notice in times of peace, those up-start adventurers whom the chances of battle or the freaks of fortune, in cruel sport, have doomed to be great. I know I shall be well understood in this remark even if I leave its application to the most common observation. The late war presents an experience on this subject which is constantly seen, and will be felt through many an unquiet season of public affairs. Individuals, formerly unheard of out of their parish, and if known even there, known only for their moderate grade of intellect and the still more humble character of their pursuits, now fill the highest stations of the government, and are daily eulogized for talents and qualities, when, one fortunate victory out of the barren field of their lives, would leave them the subjects of the most exquisite ridicule. But the worst part of this mischief is, they are often selected for service and the execution of objects beyond the reach of their capacity; and feeling their incompetency, they rely upon the adventitious circumstance of their sudden fame; and this either hurries them into insolence or betrays them into error. It has been the peculiar misfortune of Georgia, more than once, to suffer from these mushrooms of fortune, and she is at present undergoing a severe discipline, well calculated to try her patience. It is my intention in this number, by way of proving still further the "mortifying disrespect we have undeservedly recieved from the general government, to examine into the conduct of several of these |