keen reproach against their own discernment; for these men have received from them the highest testimony which a contrary opinion could possibly desire.

I leave all honest men to judge, and by this remark it will be perceiv ed that I am not addressing myself to the administration, what credit should be given to a report that is exclusively bottomed upon the suppos✶ ed infamy of Campbell and Meriwether? Can any thing else from that quarter be believed? This man, who was never known even at home until he broke from the Newspapers in the character of a messenger, frequently quotes legal principles. Does he recollect one, (and can there be any better?) that when a witness has lied in one part of his evidence, that it destroys all the rest? I need not point him to the law, and as to its application, he knows full well where to find the case.

I am aware that many of my remarks may be esteemed harsh, and on that account an attempt may be made to evade the effect of others more pointed in fact, but less exceptionable in form. This is the common fate of unwelcome truth. But besides the veneration which is due to this virtue in its plain and naked form, every sense of just retaliation would authorize the straight forward mention of things just as they are. All the courtesy which is known to any method of communication, all the civility which belongs to the polish of any phrase, or the embellishment of any thought, can never make Timothy P. Andrews a man of truth, or Mr. Adams an honest politician. Most men have their criminal passions and habits, and some in so high a degree, that there is but one way of conquering them, and this not unfrequently happens by the public justice of the country, either in the more deliberate form of whips and gibbets, or by the sudden but honest indignation of an insulted community. It is not for me to make the distinction in the case before us, but I apprehend the deserts of each will be well understood, if not by the parties themselves, at least by an intelligent and injured people.

But this agent acting in the character of a spotless and unbiassed judge, not only sets aside the testimony of Campbell and Merriwether as wholly unworthy of belief, but there is not a witness, (and they were numerous,) on the part of Georgia, who does not receive the same ungracious treatment; while all the witnesses, on the other side of the ques tion, chiefly residing in the Indian Nation, are men of the most unexceptionable truth. Now, aside from the well known unblemished reputa tion of many of the State's witnesses, is it not very remarkable that there should not have been one honest man among them in the view of Mr. Andrews, testifying too, in a cause, where they could not possibly, be personally interested? And is it not equally remarkable, that all the other witnesses should have been of such pure veracity, notwithstanding they were drawn from every veriety of colour as well as every description of character? But this is not all; where this meek and temperate judge could not disprove the facts sworn to by many of the witnesses, and which most stubbornly stood in the way of his purpose, he boldly attacks their character and supports his charges by the false and floating rumors of the country. Oh! most righteous arbiter! well may you find favor with your most gracious sovereign; his own unequalled management could not have succeeded better. There is not so much wonder in the success of your plans, knowing the source from which they sprung, but there is the most

profound astonishment, in the fact that they have so long duped the good sense of this country. But the most unkind cut of all in this man's statement, is his aspersion of the character of the murdered McIntosh. He hesitates not to call him a corrupt chief! Perhaps this veteran's infirmity is to be found in his victoriously fighting by the side of General Jackson, as Mr. Adams would suggest, while he and Timothy P. Andrews were shut up in some safe retreat, far from the dangers of war. Perhaps it was his crime to be a successful warrior; for Redman as he was, he is not out of the reach of envy while there is one living whiteman who claims the privilege of an American citizen, so ungrateful as to pronounce him a "Corrupt Chief!" Perhaps it was the dangers, the toils and the hardships which he bore in a war against his own countrymen, in defence of the lives of the women and children of whitemen, and in support of the principles of their government against British agression, at a time when Mr. Adams was defaming the American armies in Europe, that may have drawn down upon this devoted chief such a cruel and unmerited reproach. Perhaps this unfeeling censure has been provoked on account of his friendship for Georgia, first, in fighting by the side of her brave citizens for their rights, and then in his willingness to surrender his lands in order to enable the General Government to discharge its long neglected contracts, and thereby oblige Mr. Adams to be just against an unnatural inclination to be dishonest. Whatever it may be, it is well for the honor of the American government that no future historian will mark the fact. Whitemen will not be disposed to perpetuate their own ingratitude and the untutored Indian has no other method of doing it but by tradition, from which it will be carefully snatched by the present unholy influence exerted over that deluded and misguided people. But McIntosh will be remembered long after Andrews shall have returned to the insignificance from which he was raised by a short lived and maddened freak of power; and he will be recollected too with feelings of gratitude, when Mr. Adams shall be recollected for causes inspiring very different sensations. Indian as he was, he has fame enough for his own immortality, and sparing a sufficiency from a treasure that could not be exhausted by the breath of slander, he will perhaps impart the same undying property to Timothy P. Andrews. But it will be under a very different aspect; associated with his imperishable name, he will bear this Whipster down to posterity, in the unenviable character of his malignant and unsuccessful calumniator. Cæsar will always be remembered and so will Brutus his assasin.

There are some characters, who. from a combination of all that is worthless, and an utter destitution of all that is virtuous, inspire a sense of jealous regard whenever they become the slightest objects of notice, even though it should be the distinction of a villain, and I greatly fear many a generous bosom will yet be disturbed by a similar emotion when it is known that Timothy P. Andrews has purchased the prospect of future remembrance, by being the infamous defamer of an HONEST SAVAGE.

I now submit these essays with but a single remark. If the people of Georgia will discard their own private dissensions and be true to themselves, they have nothing to dread from the Bayonet of Mr. Adams. They will triumph over his puny threats, secure their own inestimable sights, and preserve the Constitution of their country.

A VINDICATION

OF THE

RECENT AND PREVAILING POLICY

OF THE

STATE OF GEORGIA:

No. 1.

"The first thing I have at heart is American LIBERTY, the second thing is Ameri can UNION. Their garrisons, their magazines, their arsenals, and their forts, which will be situated in the strongest places within the states: their ten miles square, with all the fine ornaments of human life, added to their powers and taken from the states, will reduce the power of the latter to nothing. The voice of tradition, however, will, I trust, inform posterity of our struggles for freedom. If our descendants be worthy of the name of Americans, they will preserve and hand down to their latest posterity, the transactions of the present times; and though my remonstrances may now be thought not worth the hearing, they will see that I have done my utmost to preserve their liberty."-Patrick Henry on the Federal Constitution.

TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.

THE displays of power by the General Government, are rapidly fulfilling the warning predictions of the greatest Orator and Patriot of America, and the time is fast approaching when the subdued and broken spirit of the States will be heard only in the humble tones of concession, or the more faultering accents of supplicatiou. In the late just but unregarded assertion of the rights of Georgia, by her chief magistrate, a principle has been disclosed which should awaken the most fearful apprehensions, and certainly affords a cause, not to be mistaken, of the deepest solicitude. Composed as the states are, variant in interest, and diversified in habits, the claims of one are seldom acknowledged by the others; and it must be a strong instance of oppression, reaching to some vital principle of government, likely to ingulph the rest, that will ever be felt or heard out of its own defenceless limits. Hence, the general government, on all local subjects, involving a controversy between itself and the individual states, is supreme and uncontrolled; and, like the power of royalty, the only relief is in its mercy and condescen sion; prayers on one side, and graciousness on the other. If the dis

What

pute relate to property, or pecuniary demands, if it refer to private right or local privilege, there is either an unnatural rivalship tending to the repression of state prosperity, or a jealousy operating in detraction of state reputation: and while the sister state is suffering from causes pe culiar to herself, not a voice is heard in sympathy for her complaints, or in resentment for her wrongs. But what is worse, and the cause of regret and alarm before alluded to, the American Press, with a tyranny unsatisfying in its nature, and unequalled in its torture, never fails to come down upon the faintest murmur of a state, with the whole and un divided force of their most bitter vengeance. They bind by the alarm of treason, and slay by the cry of disunion. What inference is to be drawn from this appalling fact? With such a scourge hung in terror over the states, where individual feelings are assailed and held up to public ridicule, private reputation abused, character mangled, rights contemned, and principles subverted, what has the general government to dread from the puny arm of state sovereignty? It wants no sedition law, nay, not even an inquisition, so long as such a murderous instru ment comes in gratuitous aid of its already overgrown power. cause can withstand such assaults? what feeling can brook such outrage? where is the intrepidity that can front such a battery? The power of the Press, and consequently the force of public opinion, is with the general government, whenever it is the unfortunate lot of a state to have local cause of difference with that government; and in future it will have no occasion to wind and creep to the object in pursuit, but rise and march with wide and open strides to the accomplishment of its purpose. These reflections have been prompted by the late unhappy dispute between the Governor of Georgia, and the General Government, in which, for no other reason than the declaration of acknowledged right, in the plain but honest language of our political institutions, he has been reviled in a spirit of acrimony, and in a wantonness of rebuke, dictated alone by the most slavish and cold-blooded servility, and which nothing but the most heartless malignity could utter. It is my purpose to examine dispassionately, if I can, the causes which have led to this disturbance, unfortunate on no other account than as it displays a palsied weakness in the government of the states, foreboding. their final destruction, and, in prospect exhibiting upon their ruins the lordly and overspreading domination of the consolidated" EMPIRE OF AMERICA."

I do not expect to be treated with liberality, or listened to with candour, nor do I care: but as long as the privilege to speak and to repine remains, which in my earnest belief is now of but short duration, it becomes the bounden duty of every one who is honest with himself, and faithful to all that is dear to free government, to raise his voice in solemn protest against the arbitrary encroachments of the general government, and the still more odious conduct of its licentious abettors. order that this question may be fairly understood, and if there is one spark of generous sincerity in public opinion, to be justly appreciated, it will be necessary to state, that the grounds of complaint, on the part of Georgia, are of two kinds :

In

First,-A total, and I trust I will shew, a faithless disregard of her rights by the general government, not only subversive of every principle of justice, but manifested in a temper of the most mortifying disrespect :-and,

Second, A rude and unfeeling interference in a private and domestic subject, of the most delicate import, and of the last importance to the interest and safety of not only Georgia, but all the Southern states. Under the first head, the subject again divides itself into two branches, 1st, The Georgia militia claims; and,

2nd, The disposition of her public lands.

No state, for its then contracted settled limits, suffered more in the revolutionary war than Georgia; and nevertheless, no state was truer to the principles of that glorious struggle. Though in point of territory she was left the largest of the independent states, and capable, by reason of her great extent and local situation, of sustaining a population and government equal to three of the largest kingdoms of Europe, yet she was among the first to fall cordially into the Union, by all and every means by which it could be secured. She was one among the eight states who unconditionally, and almost without debate, received the Federal Constitution. The reason of such a willing intromission on her part may be ascribed, if her enemies choose, to no higher motive than the weak and unprotected condition in which she was left at the close of the war. But if this were the consideration, she had a right to the full benefit of all its terms. It is true, she was a frontier state, and exposed to savage incursions on a line four hundred miles in extent; hence the readiness, perhaps, with which she embraced that constitution which had just received the power to "call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection, and repel invasions," and which too had taken from the states a right "to engage in war unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay."

From the moment of the adoption of this constitution, while many of the states, from their internal situation, were rapidly improving in population and wealth, the state of Georgia, as every one knows, was subjected to a constant harrassing invasion by this exterminating enemy. The growth of the state was retarded, the progress of improvement was arrested, the arts of industry were suspended, and the whole frontier presented a scene of the most heart-chilling massacres and desolating ravages. These bloody and waste-laying depredations could no longer be repelled by the voluntary exertions of the frontier settlers, who, alone, for years, without the aid of either state or general government, had extended the settlements of the country, and withstood this annoy ing foe. At length the frontier was to be abandoned or defended; and in the year 1792, but five years after the Federal Constitution had guaranteed protection against invading enemies, the state of Georgia was compelled to call out her militia, not only under the express authority of that instrument, as contained within the exception before recited, but by the explicit, and now well established direction of the President of the United States. This militia were poor men, they were in constant and