under advantages that can not but be appreciated. These transfers and extensions, when carefully inspected, as they may be in the full resolution of the Board of Administration, which is given on the sixth page of the Times-Star, show that the advantages secured by the citizens is more than equal to much cheaper fare without them.

Almost every request for a transfer, and there were hundreds of them received, has been granted by the board. In scores of cases bodies of citizens have been before the Board of Administration with a list of transfers asked for. Out of these lists there have been some that, they said, they must absolutely have. The resolutions show that not only have the people been given what they "absolutely must have," but moreover, everything they asked for

The Cincinnati Post said:

With a rush B. of A. adopted the report of the Committee of the Whole on street car consolidation, and fifty-year franchise extension. There will be no reduction of the fares for at least twenty years. Thirty-three routes in the system, six of them entirely new. Over 2,000 transfers are provided for. Illuminated signs and all-night cars are ordered.

(Local.)

The long-looked-for report of the Committee of the Whole of the B. of A. on street railway consolidation and extension of franchise was submitted to the board Thursday morning. The reading of the report of the B. of A. was finished shortly before 11 o'clock. At once Vice President Washburn moved that it be accepted, and by the unanimous vote of the board it was adopted, becoming at that moment a law. The resolutions of extensions and consolidation will take effect in thirty days.

THE STREET CAR DEAL.
(Editorial.)

The compact between the city and the Cincinnati Street Railway Company is now complete, and the B. of A. servants of the people, have received the sincere thanks of the Consolidated. The monopoly now has a cinch on the magnificent business, safe, reliable, and that can not fade away for twenty years. While the people are guaranteed an improved service every such improvement becomes necessarily a factor in the production of rapidly increasing Ävidends. What the public gets in return is nothing beyond what has already been freely granted in every other large city of the land-advantages that will appear as mere trifles when twenty years have rolled around. What the company gets is a fixed and high-rate income from every passenger that it carries, and which can not be reduced for a score of years, though the present cost of carriage should be reduced in that period 100 per cent.

The Freie Presse said (editorial):

The street railway system provided by the Board of Administration was "a better one than any other city in the world had, and that the car system of no city scarcely approaches what Cincinnati now has."

The Volksblatt said:

Soon we will have a new and better street car system, transfer system, etc. The so-called Rogers law, which was passed April 22, 1896, gave the Cincinnati Street Railway the right to consolidate all the different lines and routes then operating in the city of Cincinnati, and the resolutions adopted yesterday by the Board of Administration bind this.

Thus it will be seen that every leading newspaper in Cincinnati, German as well as English, save and except only the Cincinnati Post, spoke in terms of highest praise of the final outcome of the so-called Rogers law; and it will be noted that the criticisms of the Post were not severe, especially not in view of the fact that it had persistently opposed the enactment of the Rogers law and the action of the city authorities under the same.

It may be added that these friendly expressions of the daily press reflected what was practically the universal sentiment of the citizens of Cincinnati and warrant the statement that no act of the Ohio Legislature having special reference to the city of Cincinnati was ever regarded as more helpful and satisfactory than was this necessary and, at the hands of some people, much-abused law.

Under these resolutions and acting in perfect good faith, the Cincinnati Street Railway Company proceeded forthwith to make numerous extensions of its lines, reconstruct its track where necessary, and to electrify the whole system; to put into service new and better equipment, and to do, in short, all that it obligated itself to do in accepting these resolutions, and expended in this behalf down to the time when, in 1901, five years later, it leased its property to the Cincinnati Traction Company in the neighborhood of $6,000,000.

The Cincinnati Traction Company became the lessee of the Cincinnati Street Railway Company with the consent of the city, given by the official action of the City Council and other municipal authorities, and as such lessee took possession of the property on the 21st of February, 1901, and since that time has been engaged in its operation. It took up the work of extensions, reconstructions, better equipment and general improvement of the system where the lessor company quit, and has since expended for such purposes, through the Ohio Traction Company, organized to assist it financially, over $9,000,000, perhaps as much as $10,000,000, including the Traction Building, the car works and some other properties of that character that do not belong, except in an auxiliary sense, to the traction system.

There has not been at any time any dereliction on the part of the Cincinnati Street Railway Company, or its lessee, the Cincinnati Traction Company, with respect to a full and complete performance on the part of these companies, of the terms and conditions embraced in the grant made by the resolutions of August 13, 1896.

On the contrary, every requirement made by the city under and by virtue of these resolutions, has been promptly and fully complied with. In the meanwhile, in 1901, a suit was brought by a taxpayer on behalf of the city of Cincinnati to test the constitutionality and validity of the Rogers law as the source of the grant made by the resolutions of

the Board of Administration of August, 1896. That suit went to the Supreme Court of Ohio, and it was by that court decided in that case72 O. S., page 98-that the Rogers Law was a constitutional and valid enactment, and that the resolutions of August, 1896, authorized by that statute were also valid.

These resolutions are frequently spoken of as though a grant of a special privilege. They are not that at all. Their acceptance by the company makes them a contractual obligation entered into between the city and the company, binding on the city and binding on the company. It is one thing to alter or repeal a special privilege or immunity, or a statute authorizing something to be done before it has been done. It is another thing for the Legislature to undertake to repeal, alter or change a contractual obligation after it has been entered into.

The overwhelming weight of authority is to the effect that contractual obligations can not be impaired.

If this were not true, it might be well asked why consider any proposition made by the city, if, when solemnly entered into and after millions of dollars have been expended on the faith of it, such contract can be repudiated at will by the city, or by the state, or by anybody else acting for or controlling the city.

Very truly, etc.,

J. B. FORA KER.

Although this matter and the Standard Oil letters properly belong in an account of my professional career rather than among notes of my public services, yet I incorporate them here because use of them was made part of the program adopted and carried out for my "elimination" from the public service.

I

CHAPTER XLVI.

NOMINALLY A CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY.

HAVE referred (p. 312) to the statement made in the House of Representatives by Champ Clark to the effect that the Brownsville affray had put me out of the PresiIdential race of 1908.

Recurring to what that remark suggests, there was always after I first became Governor much mentioning of my name, from time to time, both in the newspapers and by individuals in connection with the Presidency. Some of these comments were favorable and others unfavorable.

It was with me about as it is with every other man who is elected Governor of one of the important States of the Union, especially if his election be preceded by a campaign that involves questions of importance that are discussed in such a way as to attract attention.

This talk, however, apparently gave others a great deal more concern than it gave me. I was not unmindful of it. I appreciated the compliment involved, but there was never a time when I felt that it was wise, or that I would have any fair chance for the nomination, if I should, at that particular time, become a candidate.

As I now look back over my career, I can see, as I saw then, that I had a good chance for the nomination in 1888, and rightfully so, according to political usage and practice.

I had at that time a soldier record, a judicial record, and was serving my second term as Governor of one of the most important States of the Union. I was not, however, a candidate; and refused to allow my name to be used for two reasons; in the first place, because Ohio had, with my approval and co-operation-no one man doing more or even so much in that behalf as I had done-endorsed Mr. Sherman at our

State Convention of 1887 as Ohio's candidate for the Presidency in 1888.

When, at the National Convention, it became apparent to all that Mr. Sherman could not be nominated, I was according to all the rules applicable to such a situation at liberty to allow the use of my name, but I declined although urgently solicited to do so by the Blaine element which was strong enough to have given me the nomination, as it afterward gave it to Harrison, because I did not want to be liable to the charge of infidelity to Mr. Sherman's cause, and, therefore, refused to consider the matter unless first requested by him to do so. But also, because, it appeared to me presumptuous for me to aspire to the Presidency while there were ahead of me in years and experience such great Republican leaders as Harrison, Allison, and a dozen others, who were yet available after both Mr. Blaine and Mr. Sherman had been dropped out of consideration.

I had not at that time had any experience in the public. service beyond my own State. I thought then, and subsequent experience has confirmed the correctness of that view, that men who have served as Members of Congress in either the House or the Senate, and have been in this way brought into contact with our actual National life are so much better qualified for the Presidency than are the men, as a rule, who have not had that experience, that, all other things being equal, they should have the preference; not because they merit the honor more, but because they are in an important sense much better qualified for an intelligent and satisfactory discharge of the duties of Chief Executive.

Harrison had the advantage of this experience. He had served with distinction in the Senate, and had seen enough of practical politics and official life to be typically well qualified not only for the official but also the social duties of the position.

He was one of the ablest men who ever occupied the White House. In all official respects his administration was admirable. But he was unfortunate in his intercourse with others. Some one truthfully said he had a great faculty for measures, but none for men. Nearly everyone who called upon him