bernately occasioned, but the effects at of which were daily passing away. Lord Auckland briefly vindicatshed the conduct which he had pursued in India; reserving fuller explanation for a more fitting ocTecasion. He undertook the war because he saw a danger approaching the Indian territory, which he advanced to meet: he acted with the advice and on the authodarity of nearly all those by whom he was surrounded; and he firmly believed that if the danger could be represented as no longer threatening, it was solely because that decisive step had been taken. He had no wish to attack the present Governor-General; he could conceive no more unbecoming spectacle than that of one GovernorGeneral lately retired from office, and another Governor-General lately come into office, bandying against each other terms of deprecation and disparagement. Lord Auckland then stated some details respecting a suggestion which he had sent home in June 1841, in regard to an attack on the intersection of the Chinese Grand Canal with the Yang-tse-kiang river, to show that, although not in its details, his plan had been carried out in its main features.

Lord Colchester, the Earl of Minto, and the Marquss of Clanricarde carried on the debate with particular reference to India, and Chinese affairs, and the American Boundary question; and Lord Ashburton said a few words, to assure the House, that when the papers came before it, he should be able to show that in the new American treaty he had made no important concessions of boundary, no important concession of right as regarded the navigation of the St. John, and none with respect

to the right of search which latter point had not indeed been discussed in the course of the negotiations. The right of visit had been mentioned, but it had been set at rest by Lord Aberdeen's dispatch. Of the Oregon boundary question, Lord Ashburton spoke hopefully. He did not believe that the non-settlement of that question would be productive of the evil consequences that had been supposed. He believed that there would be no great difficulty as regarded the settlement of this question. The proceedings that had been alluded to on the subject were not those of the American government, but of an individual member of the American congress. The fact was, he believed, that there had not existed a better understanding between the two countries since the war thanexisted now.

The Bishop of Exeter referred to the manner in which the Marquess of Lansdowne had described the opportunity now occurring for the introduction into China of European arts and civilization. He joined warmly in the feeling which the noble Marquess had forcibly expressed of the responsibility which rested on this country, and he trusted that as the Government were now going to occupy a portion of the empire of China, they would export not only the police and warehouses of Great Britain, but also the churches, and set an example of the true faith. The Address in answer to the Royal Speech was then agreed to, and the House adjourned.

In the House of Commons, after the Speech from the Throne had been read, Lord Courtenay rose to move an Address, which embodied

the topics of the Speech. He declared his peculiar satisfaction at the adjustment of the differences with America, by reason of her common origin, language and laws, and the influence which might be produced on the whole civilized world by the state of the relations between two countries, circumstanced like England and the United States. He congratulated the House on the successes in Affghanistan. He rejoiced in the fortune that attended our efforts in China, and hailed in their results a hope of extended markets for our domestic produce; he expressed a deep sympathy with his suffering countrymen, but deprecated all partial sacrifices as between the different classes of British industry, and avowed his confidence in the dispositions and abilities of Her Majesty's present advisers to relieve the country and promote her welfare.

Mr. P. Miles seconded the motion. In adverting to Eastern events, he dwelt with peculiar gratification upon the pacific policy announced by our Indian Government, and upon the commercial prospects opened by our treaty with China. He touched, with praise, upon the arrangements concluded between England and America, expressed his regret for the domestic disturbances of last year, and attributed them in great measure to the unprincipled endeavours of those who had excited the feelings of the ignorant and necessitous classes; and declared his general approbation of the vigorous measures adopted to restore the credit and finance of the country.

Mr. Charles Wood touched lightly upon several points of the Speech, and desired to reserve his

judgment upon them until the House should be in possession of further information. The state of foreign affairs, generally, afforded matter of congratulation. He desiderated some further indications of the policy which Government intended to pursue, in applying remedies to the existing state of the country; the hopes of amendment which had arisen at various times during the past year, had been succeeded by bitter disappointment. In proof of this he referred to the state of his own county, of Leeds, and of Scotland. Sanguine hopes were indulged with respect to the measures of last Session, and extensive effects were anticipated with regard to the wool, the sugar, and the corn markets; but, after all, it must be acknowledged, that the people who indulged those expectations, were grievously disappointed. Even the prices of meat, in which it was expected so great a change was to be effected, did not undergo any material alteration. It was true that at one period of the year corn happened to bear a lower price, but that was no effect of the Corn Law, which the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite had introduced. If these remarks were true with respect to corn, he felt satisfied that they held equally true with respect to meat. that the reduction was of a most trifling character-if, indeed, it could be said that there was any reduction whatever. This, he was sure, the honourable Member for Somerset would readily admit. The Bill of the right honourable Gentleman came into operation in the month of April last; but at that time and throughout the early part of the summer, it produced no effect whatever upon the

In

prices of wheat. The fact was, that wheat in the month of April was ls. a quarter lower than in the corresponding month in the preceding year. All the wheat that did come in was imported at the time of harvest; and, therefore, in its effects, both upon the agricultural and manufacturing classes, the sliding scale was just the same sort of measure as the old Corn Law. To the producer, as well as to the consumer, the whole Bill was a dead letter.

Mr. Wood observed, that perhaps, it was the intention of the Secretary for the Treasury to lay a balance-sheet before the House at an early period of the Session; if he did, the country would be not a little surprised at the result. On the 1st of October, the deficiency was 2,500,000l., but that was augmented by a sum of 940,000l., which brought the whole deficiency to very nearly 3,500,000l. On the 5th of January last the deficiency bills exceeded 3,500,000l. The failure of the ordinary sources of revenue deprived the people of the hope that they would be relieved, at an early period, of the Income Tax. He called upon Sir Robert Peel to carry out the principles which he asserted last Session, as Mr. Huskisson found it necessary to do in the crisis of 1825-6, promising him in such case the support of the Opposition.

He

Sir Robert Peel then rose. trusted from the tone of the House that the Address to be laid before Her Majesty would be unanimous. He forebore to enter upon the subject of the occurrences in India, because the question would subsequently be raised by two motions, of which notice had been given. When occasion offered, he

should be able to show the country the extent of obligation under which it lay to Lord Ashburton, for the adjustment which he had effected in the treaty with America: "I could show, if the policy of that noble Lord had been called in question in this House as it has been out of doors, that the treaty which was effected by him affords to the country every thing which can be considered essential to the security of our North American possessions-not, perhaps, as much as we were justly entitled to and had a right to expect, but, considering the uncertainty attached to the interpretation of the old treaty, considering the great length of time which has since elapsedtaking into account that the geography of the country was, in a great degree unknown at the time of first assigning the boundaries, and considering the difficulty, not to say the impossibility, of exactly ascertaining the intentions of those by whom the assignment was made, we should feel satisfied to accept, not, it is true, all that we claim, or all that we are entitled to, but such a division of the disputed district as secures our British possessions in North America, and at the same time preserves our military communication intact. (Cheers.) The adjustment of the question by Lord Ashburton is far more favourable to this country than that formerly proposed by the King of the Netherlands, and in which we were willing to concur."

He remarked that Mr. Webster had been assailed in the United States just as Lord Ashburton had been here, with taunts that he had abandoned the interests of his country. He concurred in what Mr. Wood had said respect

ing the President's misapprehension, that Lord Aberdeen had insisted, in 1841, on the right of search, which extends to the cargo and destination of a vessel, instead of the right of visit, merely to ascertain its nationality. He was surprised that a conventional right of search should be resisted by the United States, affording, as it did, protection to the honest flag, and leading to the exposure of contraband trading, which must be as injurious to their commerce as to their revenue. Nay, if Mr. Canning would have consented to exempt the coasts of the United States from the operation of such a treaty, one would have existed, almost at the instance of America, through Mr. Rush, who negociated one with Mr. Huskisson in 1824. He made a passing allusion to the French view of this question: "I hope that those who at present appear so eager in the French Chamber, who are opposed to a treaty so calculated to promote the cause of humanity, and who are urging on the United States to resist it, will not succeed in their efforts. For myself, I do not look upon the concession of the right as peculiarly important to England. The question is one which considerably affects all commercial nations. It is the only security which can be adopt ed against fraud, and even on a principle of mercantile security, it should be consented to by all maritime nations. I am ready, therefore, whenever it is necessary, to prove that the doctrine of the right of visitation laid down in the dispatch of 1841, has been strictly carried out. With respect to the treaty lately signed between this country and the United States, I say, that in acting upon that

treaty, we have not abandoned our claim to the right of visitation, nor did we understand that in signing that treaty the United States could suppose that the claim was abandoned. On the contrary, we thought that a step in advance of our object had been taken, when the United States consented to send a naval force for the suppression of the traffic in slaves, though we by no means considered or accepted of that proceeding as an equivalent for any right which we claimed with respect to visitation."

Turning to the revenue, Sir Robert Peel said, he would produce such an account as Mr. Wood had alluded to; but nothing could be more unfair than to infer future results from what might appear on the face of that: "In the last Session I admitted that there was a great deficiency; and I also said, that I proposed to create a new deficiency by the measures which I should bring forward, by the decrease of the import duties, and those upon several articles which formed primary sources of our home manufacture. For instance, timber was one of those, and 700 out of the 1,100 articles included in the tariff. The reduc tion of the duties it must be remembered, took place at an early period, in most instances as early as July, and in other instances, in October; and this, of course, produced a material effect in increasing the deficiency, whilst the taxes which were imposed to supply the want created have not yet come into sufficient operation. The honourable Gentleman ought, therefore, to wait for the next quarter, and yet I do not know that even then there would be a sufficient operation to meet the reduction

thus created. The honourable Gentleman says, and says truly, that there is a falling-off in the Excise, and attributes that falling-off to the diminished means of the consumer. I admit this falling-off, and I am ready candidly and at once to allow that it arises from diminished consumption; but at the same time I must caution honourable Gentlemen not to be too apt to draw unfavourable and gloomy inferences from the fact. I admit the effect, but I in a great measure attribute the cause to the unfavourable harvest of 1841. I think that the reduction on that account alone has not been less than 910,000l.—that is, upon malt alone. There has also been a reduction on the article of spirits, which reduction, however, must not, and ought not to be taken as evidence of the distress in the country, because, depend upon it, that improved habits of temperance are increasing here as well as in Ireland, and those improved habits have a tendency to diminish the consumption of spirits; but I repeat, the deficiency in the Excise has arisen from the reduction in the consumption of malt, which in a great degree was occasioned by the unfavourable harvest of 1841. I am not, be it remember ed, contesting the distress of the country-I cannot mention that distress without the deepest regret; but let not honourable Gentlemen misunderstand me-I wish to caution the House against drawing gloomy and unfavourable inferences from these facts and circumstances."

Sir Robert Peel maintained that a great reduction had taken place in the price of articles of subsistence; and in parts of the country he saw indications of an in

creased consumption, which justified a hope that the condition of the people was improving. With respect to further alterations, he declared that he adhered to the principles which he had laid down in the last Session; but that he did not now contemplate further immediate or extensive changes. "I did make, with the aid of my hon. friends and colleagues in office, more extensive changes in the commerce, and in the code which regulates the commerce of this country than were made at any former period. If I had contemplated any further immediate and extensive changes, I would at once have proposed them in the course of last year, And why not? I stated last year the general principles on which I should act, and to them, I repeat, I still adhere; but I did not lead the House or the right honourable Gentleman to suppose that I would go on year after year introducing extensive changes. I think it would be infinitely better, when a man has made up his mind as to the changes he contemplates, for him to propose them in one year, than to propose a certain number in that year, with a secret reservation as to what he would bring forward in the next. Whatever changes I do propose will be in conformity, when I do propose them, with the general principles which I have already laid down, from none of which I recede, and of the truth of which I am perfectly convinced; but, as I said last year, I cannot forget that for this country protection has been the rule; that under it great and extensive interests have grown up; and that, in substituting a better for a defective system, if you proceed too hastily-if in your beneficent ef