tural etymologies. A few instances will prove that Mr. Julius Bate excelled in this mode of writing.

Genesis i. 1. At first the Aleim created the heavens and the earth. This translation is illustrated by the following note : ' a title (i. e. Aleim) of the ever blessed Trinity. It means the persons under the path, or binding curse of a covenant.'-If we understand our Author, the idea is not only ab. surd, but impious. Jş it not impious to say, that the Supreme Being, whether the Trinitarian or Unitarian doctrine be the true one, is bound by a curse? The absurdity of the idea is beyond expreffion : for whether we suppose the persons of the Trinity to be three diftinct beings, or only three distinct relations of one and the fame being, Mr. Bate's notion involves in it the moft inexplicable contradictions. There is another note expresive of the same idea, on Levit. xviii. 1.

In Genefis xviii. the sacred historian relates the appearance of three angels to Abraham at the door of his tent; which three, our Author tells us, were the three persons in the Trinity. And in a note be adds, in this chapter is ocular proof of there being one God, and three persons; for the persons who appeared speak as Jehovah, and are spoken to, and of, as the Lord in Trinity, whom Abraham entertained, &c.' Here we muft own, with concern, that our eyes are not so good as Mr. Bate's were; for we cannot discern this ecular proof. As it appears from the narrative, that two of these angels went and conducted Lot out of Sodom, how could the three be the Lord in Trinity ? One reason why they could not, may be aligned from our Author's own trandation of chap. xix. 13. ' for the cry against them is great before Jehovah ; and Jehovah hath sent us to destroy it.' In other words, according to Mr. Bate, Jehovah hath lent Jehovah to destroy Sodom. Strange that any well-meaning Expositor (hould father such absurdities upon the sacred writer!

Our Translators have rendered Genesis xxi. 17, latter clause, what aileth thee, Hagar? fear not, for God hath heard the voice of the lad where he is ;' i. e, where his mother had laid him. No, says. Mr. Julius Bate,' fear not; for the Aleim will hearken to the voice of the lad, in the name itself.' And, in a note, we are told that she Translators missed both the literal and myftical sense, that God would hear Israel according to the promise expressed in his name (Ayuu) and the son of the bond-woman DN 8107 108 by him, who is the name itself; wbich is the great promise of the gospel.' The language here is somewhat beyond our comprehension : but we will venture to affert, that no man, except a myftical Hutchinsonian, could ever have found a reference to the gospel in this historical paffage.

If our limits would permit, we might produce numerous in. stances of the Author's fondness for allusions and prefigura. tions : for example, the skins of the kids, which Rebekah put on her son Jacob, prefigured our putting on the Lord Jesus, and appearing in his righteousness, to obtain the blessing. This whole history is, indeed, curiously allegorized. The twins Pharez and Zarah, the fons of Judah by Tamar, preñigured the natural and spiritual man; and the case of Zarah in particular, prefigured the neceffity of our being born again.

We have always understood Deuteronomy vi. 4, to be a conclufive proof of the unity of the Godhead. But Mr. Julius Bate tells us, on the contrary, that, as long as Hebrew is Hebrew, Jehovah fingular, and Aleim plural, and the oath of God to the heirs of falvation, is remembered, so long will these two words, Jehovah and Aleim, prove a Trinity in Unity, the coequality of persons.'

As a proof of our Author's obscurity, we shall sele& the Hebrew word nigd which our translators very properly have rendered a covenant. Thus Genesis ix, 9, God said to Noah, • I establish my covenant with you ;' but, according to Mr. Bate, it should be, 'I establish my purification with you.' This, he tells us, is the literal interpretation of the word n from

to purify, to make clean, as every thing is through the blood of Chrift. ning adds he, is used to exprefs all the promises to us through the facrifice of Christ, which has a promise of this life, and of that which is to come, if we take care to imitate his purity and innocence. Waving the propriety of this etymology, which indeed we more than suspect (for 1172, eligere, to choose, seems to be the true word) we fee no advantage produced by this alteration. The word ' covenant,' is perfectly intelligible to every reader, who is in the least conversant with his bible ; but' purification,' in many passages, is by no means fo. For instance, Judges ii. 1, 2, . And I said I will never break my covenant with you;



thall make no Jeague with the inhabitants of this land.' This is intelligible ; but I said I would not break my purification with you for ever, and ye shall cut no purification for the inhabitants of this land, is a mode of speaking, to say the best of it, not a little obfcure,

Mr. Bate's note on Joshua ii. 1, is, we believe, just, but not new; for moft lexicographers observe that the word 7311, means an hostess, as well as an harlot; and in this place it is natural to understand it in the former rather than in the latter fense, because it is more probable that the spies went to lodge in a house of entertainment, than in a brothel. It is true that St. James calls Rahab ropun, an harlot ; but it is supposed by several critics, and with some degree of probability, that the


Greek word, as well as the Hebrew, was anciently used in these two senses.

Our Author is as remarkable for his philosophy as for his die vinity. He roundly afferts that, • let our philosophers say what they will, the stars have an influence on our atmosphere. This be thinks is implied in Judges v. 20. We observe, also, that his enmity to the Hebrew vowel points is so great that he alters, the spelling of the proper names of persons and places. Aaron he calls Aerun, Gideon, Gidoun, Canaan, Canon, Gilead, Gilod, &c.

To this work is prefixed a short advertisement by the anonymous Editor, wherein he calls it' a valuable and intelligible performance; but how justly, the above specimen will enable our Readers to determine. The three engravings are well executed: the last, which exhibits a view of the inside of the Ta. bernacle, and of the Holy of Holies, seems to have been borsowed from a plate in the late Dr. Isaac Watts's Scripture History.


Art. VII. Political Disquisitions : Or, an Enquiry into public Errors,

Deferts and Abujes. illuftrated by and established upon Facts and
Remarks extracted from a variety of Authors, ancient and modern.
Calculated co draw the timely Attention of Government and,
PEOPLE to a due Confideration of the Neceflity, and the Means
of reforming those Errors, Defects, and Abuses; of restoring the
Constitution, and saving the State. Vol. I. 8vo. 6s. boards.
Dilly. 1774.
T was, if we mistake not, a remark of the celebrated Dr.

Tillotson's, ' that it seemed extremely difficult, if not almost impossible, for a man to step over the threlhold of a court, and preserve his honefty.' The keenest satyrist could hardly have thrown out a sarcasm more severe than this declaration of the gentle Archbishop. Yet if this observation gives us a true idea of courts and statesmen, we must nevertheless suppose that the evil does not necessarily arise from the very nature of go. vernment and the conduct of civil society, but from the ill management, or artful and corrupt designs, of persons to whom this great and important trust, the care of the state, is committed.

Politics, or the art of government, is frequently represented as somewhat very myftericus, and soaring far above vulgar apprehensions, Statesmen and lawyers may be well pleased with the prevalence of such a persuasion : and no doubt there are subjects of this kind which common capacities, unused to poli. tical enquiries, would not be sufficient to investigate and direct. To preside over a large community with such happy influence as may suffice to prevent, or duly correct, those evils and abuses which naturally spring up in 'human society, and to diffuse peace and prosperity through all ranks and conditions,—to attain these great and desirable ends, will require the ableft talents, and the nobleft difpofitions ; but as for those state-tricks and little arts which merely ferve to promote a temporary view, or answer fome selfith purpose, as they are unworthy of an elevated genius, so are they practised only by men who are incapable of acting upon more exalted principles.

The observation which was made by one of the fathers on the sacred scriptures, seems to be very properly applied to politics by the Author of the work now before us, the lamb may wade in them, and the elephant swim.' The remark of the great Mr. Locke is also pertinently introduced, viz. “That politics (in the common and confined sense) are only common sense applied to national instead of private concerns. From hence it follows, that the generality of the people may form proper conclusions concerning public and national affairs, although they may not be capable of developing or removing those difficulties and myfteries which state lawyers or others may throw in the way, in order to conceal the truth.

In his general preface to this work, our Author observes, that . in a country which pretends to be free, and where, consequently, the people ought to have weight in the government, it is peculiarly necessary that the people be poffesfed of just notions of the interest of their country, and be qualified to distinguish between those who are faithful to them, and those who betray them. It must, I think, fill every generous mind with indignation, to see our good-natured countrymen abused over and over, froin generation to generation, by the same state dog-tricks repeatedly played upon them, by a succession of pretended patriots, who, by these means, have screwed out their predecessors, and wormed themselves into their places. To teach the people a set of solid political principles, the knowledge of which may make them proof against such gross abuse, is one great object of this publication.'

Should this Writer be thought to have indulged some warmth in the above paffage, or in other parts of his work, it is, we are persuaded, nothing more than the natural effect of an honeft zeal for the liberty and welfare of his country, and a juft dirdain of those measures which under colour of regard to the public weal are chiefly intended to accomplish some private designs. If ministers of state, or supposed patriots, are prosecuting such ends, let them be exposed and censured ! If our Author writes with spirit, it is not of the factious kind. He does not wish that the British conftitution should be overthrown, or that a republican form of government should be introduced ; he appears to be animated with a true and hearty solicitude for


the welfare and prosperity of this nation, according to the spirit of revolution principles. Speaking in one part of his work, concerning commonwealths, he thus expresses himself: "There has hardly ever been known a pure commonwealth ; though many an unmixed monarchy or tyranny. The English republic, which was demolished by the villainous Cromwell, was one of the moft unmixed that ever was known.-Now I am mentioning republican government, I take this opportunity of entering an express caveat against all accusation of a desire to establish republican principles. I do not think a friend to this nation is obliged to promote a change in the constitution. The present form of government by King, Lords, and Commons, if ic, could be restored to its spirit and efficiency, might be made, to yield all the liberty, and all the happiness, of which a great and good people are capable in this world. Therefore I do not think it worth while to hazard any considerable commotion foc, the fake merely of changing the constitution from limited monarchy to republican government, though I hardly know the risque it would not be worth while to run for the sake of changing our government from corrupt to incorrupt.'

Though we agree with this Writer as to the greater part of what is said in the above quotation, we are yet so far from being of opinion that it would be advantageous or requisite to hazard any considerable commotion for the fake of exchanging a limited sonarchy for a republican government, that we think it would not be worth while on this account to hazard

any commotion at all; since this part of the English constitution appears admirably adapted for promoting and establishing national peace and happiness. Our Author wilhes to rouze a general attention to the errors and abuses of this excellent plan, that they may be corrected and reformed. But if it is true that men in power avail themselves of these very errors and abuses to patch up a present system, or to establish themselves in places of profit, then how heartless, in great measure, is the undertaking! Gentlemen at the head of the law well know how oppressive and itksome to the subjects are the rules and forms of office, with all the mysticism, and the delays, which often have no manner of connection with equity and justice ; yet these evils may be attended with great advantages to some in the profeffion, and therefore it may be concluded they are suffered to remain: neverthelefs, a serious attempt to remove them, would be highly worthy the zeal of a real patriot.

However, while our politician defires to engage the steady regard of the people in general to the confiderations he has to offer, he apprehends that our statesmen and legislators may gain lights from his collections, and meet with hints which, he obsorves, if properly pursued, may lead them to measures of a


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