weight, nor can their voices be heard amidst the clamour of prevailing numbers.

I think this body, acting legislatively, ought to be made independent, by holding that fation during the term of their naturat lives, and determinable only on that event, or on their incire departure from the province. But the same person might nevertheless, for proper cauke, be displaced from his seat in Council; which regulation would, in a great measure, operate as a check to an arbitrary Governor, who would be cautious how he raised a powerful enemy in the Upper House by a raih removal; at the same time that the power of removal would keep the Member within proper bounds. The lifetenure of his legislative capacity would likewise fufficiently secure that independency which is fo necessary to this station, and so agreeable to the constitution of the Parent-State. I know some folks will raise both scruples and fears; but for my own part, I think without much reason: for if we attend to the workings of human nature, we fall find, that a certain degree of attachment commonly arises to the fountain from whence an independent honour flows. Opposition seldom settles upon the persons who are raised to dignity by favour of the Crown, it having so much the appearance of Ingratitude, one of the most detefled vices; and it ever acts a faint and languid part, till a descent cr two are part, and the author of the elevation is extinct. From this reasoning it seems tolerably clear to me, that the Legillator being for life, and deriving his consequence from the Crown, will rather incline to that feale ; and it is not probable that his opposition could in any instance be rancorows or fallious, inasmuch as, though his life-eftate is fecure, he would not wish unnecessarily to excite the resentment of the Crown, or exclude his descendants or connections, perhaps, from fucceeding afterwards to such a post of honour and distinction in their native country: in tort, this idea feems to admit such a qualified dependency, as will attach the person to the side of the Crown in that proportion' which the conftitution itself allows, and yet so much real independency, as will make him fuperior to acts of meanness, servility, and oppreflion. Whether these fentiments are well founded, or not, I submit to the impartial judgment of my reader; what I principally mean to infer is, that the happiness of these colonies much depends upon a due blending or mixture of power and dependence, and in preserving a proper lubordination of rank and civil discipline.

• Some few distinctions it might be proper to annex to this situation, as an inducement to men of family and fortune to accept the trust; for, in its present impotent state, it is a real burden; and as being overborne by the force of numbers in the Lower House, is rendered obnoxious to the Peoplc, and oppressive to the Party.'

'The detached passages from this threwd and dispaflionate examination into the internal disputes of the colony of Scuth Carolina, would have appeared to greater advantage, had it been in our power to have enlarged the extracts : those of our Readers, however, who may, from these outlines, be inclined to procure the pamphlet, will have no cause to regret the time spent in perusing it.



Art. XII. Lyric Poems, devotional and moral. By Thomas Scott.

8vo. 3 s. 6 d. Buckland. 1773. E have frequently commended the poetical and critical



larly our accounts of his version of the Table of Cebes, Review, vol. xi. p. 502 ; and of his Transation of Job, with Remarks, &c. Rev. vol. xlvi. p. 374, &c.

Of the present publication, which contains a poetical fyrtem of piety and morals,' we have the following account, in the Author's preface:

* The work opens with natural religion. Thence it proceeds to the mission of Jesus Christ, his sufferings, his exaltation, and the propagation of his doctrine. Next is the call to repentance, the nature and blessedness of a Christian life, and the entrance into it. These topics are succeeded by the various branches of devotion : after which are ranked the moral duties personal and social, the happy end of a fincere Chriftian, and the coming of Jesus Christ to finish his mediatorial kingdom by the general judgment. The whole is closed with a description of the illustrious times, when, by means of the everlasting gospel, the earth sball be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea,

• The novelty of such a plan, in verse, will, perhaps, be a recommendation of it: if, however, verse be thought too light and superficial for religious instruction, let the royal psalmift itand forth and wipe off the reproach.

* That these poems might not pall the ear, variety of metre was adopted : and that they might satisfy the understanding, great care has been employed to deduce the sentiments from fcripture, reason, or experience. The fcripture sentiments are marked with reference letters; and the corresponding texts appear in the bottom margin.'

The following short specimen will reflect no disgrace on our miscellany :

PROBITY ; or, Integrity towards Man,
As the limpid Aream, which flows

O'er a bed of golden sand,
All its shining treasure shows,

Tempting the beholder's hand;
So the honest heart is seen,

In the mild expanded eye,
In the open generous mien

Of the man of probity,
In the honest heart abide,

Truth with undeluding tongue,
Faith that never warps alide,

Thoughts which never mean a wrong,
Who, such treasure to possess,

Feels not friendship's warm defire?
Who the friendship will not bless
Glowing with fo pure a fire ?


In that ever trusty breaft,

I with confidence repose,
Secret as the house of reft,

All my triumphs, all my woes.
But alas ! what happy clime

Is for men of truth renown'd?
Where, in all the walks of Time,

Was the precious bleffing found?
False and selfith, ev'ry one

Seeks his brother to deccive;
False the smile, and false the groan,

They are cheated who believe.
God of truth, the lying phrase,

Of diffembling lips, to thee
Hateful is; thou lov'st the ways

Of the man of probity, We have not selected the foregoing piece, as one of the best, or the worst, in the book, It is taken, we might almoft say, at random ; and will be found, we apprehend, to be a very honeft specimen. The poems are one hundred and four in nunber ; and they all manifest the ardent piety and laudable zeal of the Writer.

With respect to the merit of Mr. Scott's poetry, after the various specimens which we have given of his productions, on this and former occasions, it would be impertinent in criticism to interfere between the Author and his discerning Readers.


ART. XIII. The Justice and Utility of Penal Laws for the Diregion

of Confciense, examined ; in Reference to the Diffenters tate Appličation to Parliament: Addressed to a Member of the House of Commons. 8vo. 2 s. Dilly. 1774.

French biftorian * has recorded a fhort story of Chilperic

King of France, which is very pertinently recited by the Writer of this pamphlet, in the following manner: · When a certain Jew could not be persuaded to receive the Christian faith, Chilperic ordered him into custody, that fince he could not make bim believe with a willing mind, he might at least force bim to believe against his willi' Such a fact may serve with the plain and unbiaffed mind, instead of an' hundred arguments, againit every kind of perfecution. The palpable absurdity as well as iniquity of the attempt must furely strike every reader. It is, on Dr. Beattie's principle, an appeal to common sense, which, if not perplexed and overawed by prejudice, chicanery, and bigotry, will immediately declare itself in favour of humanity and liberty. • Gregor. Turonenfis, lib. vi. fe&. 17.


Our Readers will suppose that the Author of the work before us is averse to penal laws in matters, of conscience. He most certainly is fo; except in the case of Papists, fome of whole principles have been proved by fact to be destructive of the peace and order of society, and therefore they appear necessarily to require some kind of restraint from the civil magistrate. The book is divided into several sections, in which it is thewn that penal laws for the direction of conscience in matters of religion are inconsistent with the natural and personal rights of men, with the nature of moral obligation, with the common principles of virtuous society, and the mutual rights of its members ; that they are contrary to the very end and design of all just government, and to the real interest of every commonwealth ; are inconsistent with the design of all punifhment whatever, and with the nature and design of the gospel : from all which it is inferred, in the seventh section, that no human laws can ever set aside our obligations to God and our own consciences.

In the introductory address to this creatise we are told, as a reason for its publication, that, among the many modern per, formances, in favour of religicus toleration, this Writer has feen nothing on a general and equal plan ; each author, he says, consults only she advantage and protection of his own particular fect or party, without providing any relief for those who cannot obtain thelter under his own favourite scheme. If this reflection be just, it is dishonourable to our advocates for religious freedom; if it is unjust, the disgrace retorts on the present Au. thor. His censure may, however arise from a mistaken view of the designs and attempts of his fellow.labourers in this cause; and he refers to a particular circumftance in a late application to goverament, which we shall just mention in the conclusion of this article. How well he pleads in behalf of religious freedom will appear from a few short extraes,

When, in the third section, he endeavours, to thew that penal laws are inconsistent with the common principles of virtuous fociety and the mutual rights of men, among other observations we have the following:

• If there are certain natural and personal rights which I can no more separate from my own existence, than I can annihilate myself, it must be thus also with respect to other men; or else they would not be of the same kind with myself. If I ought not to be denied the free use of reason, nor excluded from the right of private judgment, nor hindered from following the dictates of conscience, because my well-being, the integrity and peace of my mind, are all at stake; why then should others be refused these advantages ? Are not these privileges of as much importance to them as to me? Is it not their butiness to pursue P 4


their own welfare as well as it can be mine? Can they be happy without the enjoyment of these sacred rights, any more than myself? And have they not an equal right with me, to pursue their own happiness? Is there a senator, is there a nobleman, is there a prelate, who would not consider it as a great hard. ship, to be laid under obligations of violating his own confcience, of acting contrary to his own judgment, and to what also he thought his own intereft? And must not this burthen be as great and as unreasonable too when it falls on other men? All ranks, in every state, have an equal right to the common privileges of human nature. This is a truth fo abvious, that no sober person will ever once call it in question. How then can it be reconciled with the principles of society and of mutual justice, that numbers should be exposed to cruel punishments, because they will not become dishonest and break through the folemn ties of their own reason and conscience? If any one could be found, who should seriously vindicate fuch measures, and represent the continuance of such laws, as just and virtuous in any government, I would say of him, in the language of a great and wife fenator, “ that he is mad, because he juitifies the destruction of laws and of liberty, and esteems the infamous and detestable fubversion of these blessings as a glorious atchievement +.” For no man in the proper exercise of his reason, could ever talk and act in such an unreasonable manner ; norought he to be considered as a proper subject either of law and justice, or of ciyil government, who has no other ideas, but such as would destroy all law and justice, and society among the human species.'

In ihe fourth section, speaking of human laws as subver five of just government, and the real interest of every commonwealth, he thus argues Such measures are naturally calculated to dissolve the strongest bonds of society, and to break through all those folemn obligations which are fo essential for the preservation and well-being of every itate. For when once men have been forced to disregard the voice of conscience, and to do what they believe unjust, then the principles of a virtuous conduct are set aside ; religion is pierced with a mortal wound; the reins are given to every species of vice and corruption ; the love of the public and the desire of the common good will be extinguished; nor can it be expected that they should be faithful to others, who are become treacherous to themselves. And moreover, if the governors of any state will oblige their fubjects either to become diihoneit, or to remain exposed to heavy pe

+ Tull. de Offic. lib. iii. sect. 21,


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