Constitu of the press. On the 4th of Nov., 1788, the centenary of the revolution had been commemorated throughout the country, by men of all parties; and the Revolution Society had been attended by a secretary of state, and other distinguished persons.1 But the excitement of the times quickened it with a new life; and historical sentiment was lost in political agitation. The example of France almost effaced the memory of William." The Society for Constitutional Information had been formed Society for in 1780, to instruct the people in their political rights, tional and to forward the cause of parliamentary reform. tion. Among its early members were the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt himself, and Mr. Sheridan. These soon left the society: but Mr. Wyvill, Major Cartwright, Mr. Horne Tooke, and a few more zealous politicians, continued to support it, advocating universal suffrage, and distributing obscure tracts. It was scarcely known to the public: its funds were low; and it was only saved from a natural death by the French revolution.3 Informa Corre The London Corresponding Society, - composed London chiefly of working men,-was founded in the midst of sponding the excitement caused by events in France. It sought to Society. remedy all the grievances of society, real or imaginary, -to correct all political abuses, and particularly to obtain universal suffrage and annual parliaments. These objects were to be secured by the joint action of affiliated societies throughout the country. 1 History of the Two Acts, Introd., xxxv. 2 Abstract of the History and Proceedings of the Revolution Society, 1789; Sermon by Dr Price, with Appendix, 1789; "The Correspondence of the Revolution Society in London," &c., 1792; Ann. Reg., 1792, part i. 165, 311, 366; The part ii. 135; App. to Chron., 128, 3 Stephens' Life of Horne Tooke, scheme embraced a wide correspondence, not only with other political associations in England, but with the National Convention of France, and the Jacobins of Paris. The leaders were obscure and, for the most part, illiterate men; and the proceedings of the society were more conspicuous for extravagance and folly than for violence. Arguments for universal suffrage were combined with abstract speculations, and conventional phrases, borrowed from France,-wholly foreign to the sentiments of Englishmen and the genius of English liberty. Their members were "citizens," the king was "chief magistrate."1 These societies, animated by a common sentiment, engaged in active correspondence; and published numerous resolutions and addresses of a democratic, and sometimes of a seditious character. Their wild and visionary schemes, however captivating to a lower class of politicians,-served only to discredit and endanger liberty. They were repudiated by the "Society of the Friends of the People," and by all the earnest but temperate reformers of that time: they shocked the sober, alarmed the timid, and provoked,-if they did not justify, the severities of the government. 2 In ordinary times, the insignificance of these societies would have excited contempt rather than alarm: but as clubs and demagogues, originally not more formidable, had obtained a terrible ascendency in France, they aroused apprehensions out of proportion to their real danger. In presence of a political earthquake, without a parallel in the history of the world, every symptom of revolution was too readily magnified. 1 Ann. Reg., 1792, p. 366; 1793, p. 165; App. to Chron., 75, 1794, p. 129; Adolphus' Hist., v. 212; Tomline's Life of Pitt, iii. 272, 321; Lord J. Russell's Life of Fox, ii. 284; Belsham's Hist., viii. 495, 499. 2 See supra, Vol. I. 340; Lord J. Russell's Life of Fox, ii. 293. rated There is no longer room for doubt that the alarm of Exagge this period was exaggerated and excessive. Evidence alarms. was not forthcoming to prove it just and well-founded. The societies, however mischievous, had a small following: they were not encouraged by any men of influence : the middle classes repudiated them: society at large condemned them. None of the causes which had precipitated the revolution in France were in existence here. None of the evils of an absolute government provoked popular resentment. We had no lettres de cachet, or Bastille no privileged aristocracy: no impassable gulf between nobles and the commonalty: no ostracism of opinion. We had a free constitution, of which Englishmen were proud,—a settled society, with just gradations of rank, bound together by all the ties of a wellordered commonwealth; and our liberties, long since secured, were still growing with the greatness and enlightenment of the people. In France there was no bond between the government and its subjects but authority in England, power rested on the broad basis of liberty. So stanch was the loyalty of the country, that where one person was tainted with sedition, thousands were prepared to defend the law and constitution with their lives. The people, as zealous in the cause of good order as their rulers, were proof against the seductions of a few pitiful democrats. Instead of sympathising with the French revolution, they were shocked at its bloody excesses, and recoiled with horror from its social and religious extravagances. The core of English society was sound. Who that had lately witnessed the affectionate loyalty of the whole people, on the recovery of the king from his affliction, could suspect them of republicanism? Yet their very loyalty was now adverse to the public policy, 1792. Repressive liberties. It showed itself in dread and hatred of democracy. Repression and severity were popular, and sure of cordial support. The influential classes, more alarmed than the government, eagerly fomented the prevailing spirit of reaction. They had long been jealous of the growing influence of the press and popular opinion. Their own power had been disturbed by the political agitation of the last thirty years, and was further threatened by parliamentary reform. But the time had now come for recovering their ascendency. The democratic spirit of the people was betraying itself; and must be crushed out, in the cause of order. The dangers of parliamentary reform were illustrated by clamours for universal suffrage, annual parliaments, and the rights of man; and reformers of all degrees were to be scouted as revolutionary. The calm and lofty spirit of Mr. Pitt was little prone to apprehension. He had discountenanced Mr. Burke's early reprobation of the French revolution: he had recently declared his confidence in the peace and prosperity of his country; and had been slow to foresee the political dangers of events in France. But he now yielded to the pressure of Mr. Burke and an increasing party in Parliament; and while he quieted their apprehensions, he secured for himself a vast addition of moral and material support. Enlarging his own party, and breaking up the opposition, he at the same time won public confidence. It was a crisis of unexampled difficulty,-needing the utmost vigilance and firmness. Ministers, charged with the maintenance of order, could not neglect any security which the peril of the time demanded. They were secure of support in punishing sedition and treason the guilty few would meet with no sym pathy among a loyal people. But, counselled by their new chancellor and convert, Lord Loughborough, and the law officers of the crown, the government gave too ready a credence to the reports of their agents; and invested the doings of a small knot of democrats,—— chiefly working men,-with the dignity of a widespread conspiracy to overturn the constitution. Ruling over a free state, they learned to dread the people, in the spirit of tyrants. Instead of relying upon the sober judgment of the country, they appealed to its fears; and in repressing seditious practices, they were prepared to sacrifice liberty of opinion. Their policy, dictated by the circumstances of a time of strange and untried danger, was approved by the prevailing sentiment of their contemporaries: but has not been justified, in an age of greater freedom,-by the maturer judgment of posterity. The next step taken by the government was calculated to excite a panic. On the 1st of December, 1792, a proclamation was issued, stating that so dangerous a spirit of tumult and disorder had been excited by evildisposed persons, acting in concert with persons in foreign parts, that it was necessary to call out and embody the militia. And Parliament, which then stood prorogued until the 3rd of January, was directed to meet on the 13th of December. Proclamation, Dec. 1st, 1792. speech, The king's speech, on the opening of Parliament, King's repeated the statements of the proclamation; and ad- Dec. 13th, verted to designs, in concert with persons in foreign 1792. countries, to attempt "the destruction of our happy constitution, and the subversion of all order and government." These statements were warmly combated by Mr. Fox, who termed them "an intolerable 1 Comm. Journ., xlviii. 4; Parl. Hist., xxx. 6; Fox's Speeches, iv. 445. |