spread of senti And looking beyond the immediate causes which General contributed to the growth of democratic sentiment in democratic England, we must embrace in our more distant view the general upheaving of society, throughout Europe and America, during the last fifty years. The people of the United States had established a great republic. The revolutionary spirit of France,-itself, again, the result of deeper causes,-had spread with epidemic subtlety over the civilised world. Ancient monarchies had been overthrown, and kings discrowned, as in a drama. The traditional reverence of the people for authority had been shaken their idols had been cast down. Men were now taught to respect their rulers less, and themselves more: to assert their own rights, and to feel their own power. In every country,--whatever its form of government,-democracy was gaining strength in society, in the press, and in the sentiments of the people. Wise governments responded to its expansive spirit: blind and bigoted rulers endeavoured to repress it as sedition. Sometimes trampled down by despotism, it lay smouldering in dangerous discontent sometimes confronted with fear and hesitation, it burst forth in revolution. But in England, harmonising with free institutions, it merely gave strength to the popular cause, and ultimately secured the triumph of constitutional liberty. Society was at the same time acquiring a degree of freedom hitherto unknown in England. Every class had felt the weight of authority. Parents had exercised a severe discipline over their children: masters a hard rule over their workpeople everyone armed with power, from the magistrate to the beadle, had wielded it sternly. But society was gradually asserting its claims to gentler usage and higher consideration. And this social change gave a Disunion of the Tories on the death of Lord further impulse to the political sentiments of the people. While these changes were silently at work, the illness and death of Lord Liverpool suddenly dissolved the union of the great Tory party. He had repreLiverpool. sented the policy and political system of the late king, and of a past generation; and his adherents in the cabinet outnumbered the advocates of more advanced principles. Mr. Canning, the member of the cabinet most eminent for his talents, and long the foremost champion of the Catholics, was now called to the head of affairs. The king did not entrust him with the power of carrying the Catholic question': but his promotion was the signal for the immediate retirement of the Duke of Wellington, Lord Eldon, Mr. Peel, Lord Bathurst, Lord Melville," and their high Tory followers. Lord Palmerston, Mr. Huskisson, and Mr. Wynn remained faithful to Mr. Canning; and the accomplished Master of the Rolls, Sir John Copley, succeeded Lord Eldon, who, at length, had ceased to be one of the permanent institutions of the country. Differences of opinion on the Catholic question were the avowed ground of this schism in the Tory party; and whatever personal considerations of ambition or jealousy may have contributed to this result, there can be no doubt that the open Catholic question, which had been the principle of Lord Liverpool's ministry, contained the seeds of disunion, rivalry, and conflict. Mr. Canning and his friends had contended in debates. and divisions against their own colleagues, and had obtained the warmest support from the opposition. 1 Stapleton's Canning and his Times, 582. 2 Lord Melville concurred with Mr. Canning upon the Catholic question. Lord Bexley also resigned, but withdrew his resignation. And now the personal pretensions and the cause of the first-minister, alike repelled that section of his colleagues who had adopted a narrower policy than his own.1 The same causes naturally attracted to Mr. Canning the friendly support of the Whigs. They differed with him upon the subject of parliamentary reform, and the repeal of the Test Act: but had long fought by his side on behalf of the Catholics: they approved his liberal foreign policy, and hailed his separation from the high Tory connection as a happy augury of good government, upon enlarged and generous principles. An immediate coalition was not desirable, and was discountenanced by Earl Grey and other Whig leaders: but the cabinet was soon joined by Lord Lansdowne, Lord Carlisle, and Mr. Tierney; while the Whigs, as a body, waited to defend him against the acrimonious attacks of the Tory seceders. 2 Such was the commencement of that union between the liberal Tories and the Whigs, which was destined to lead to the most important political consequences. In a few months, Mr. Canning was snatched from the scene of his glory and his trials. His old friends and associates had become his bitterest foes: his new allies, however sincere, were estranged from him by their connections, by a life-long parliamentary opposition, and by fundamental differences of opinion. His broken health succumbed to the harassing difficulties of his position. Had he lived, he might have surmounted them: mutual concessions might have 1 Stapleton's Political Life of Canning, iii. 324; George Canning and his Times, 590; Twiss's Life of Lord Eldon, ii. 586; Hans. Deb., May 2nd, 1827, 2nd Ser., xvii. 448 -498; Lord Colchester's Diary, iii. 484, 493, &c. Plumer Ward's Mem., ii. 167. 2 Stapleton's Political Life of 3 August 8th, 1827. Mr. Can ning sup ported by the Whigs. Divisions after Me of parties after Mr. Canning's death. Duke of Repeal of Corpora consolidated a powerful and enlightened party, under his guidance. But what his commanding talents might possibly have accomplished, was beyond the reach of his successor, Lord Goderich. That nobleman,—after a provisional rule of five months,-unable to reconcile the claims and pretensions of the two parties, resigned his hopeless office.1 The complete union of the Whigs with the friends of Mr. Canning was soon to be accomplished but was reserved for a more auspicious period. 2 The resignation of Lord Goderich was followed by the immediate revival of the old Tory party, under the Duke of Wellington. The formation of such a ministry was a startling retrogression. A military premier, surrounded by his companions in arms, and by the narrowest school of Tory politicians, could not fail to disappoint those who had seen with hope the dawn of better days, under Mr. Canning. At first, indeed, the Duke had the aid of Lord Palmerston, Mr. Huskisson, and other friends of Mr. Canning3: but the general character of the ministry was ultra-Tory; and within a few months, all the Liberal members seceded. It was too late, however, for an effete school to prevail over principles of liberty and justice; and its temporary revival served to precipitate its final overthrow. The first assault upon the stronghold of the Tory Lord Colchester's Diary, iii. 527. 2 Mr. T. Grenville, writing to the Duke of Buckingham, Sept. 9, 1828, says: "My original objections to the formation of a government concocted out of the Army List and the ultra-Tories, are quite insuperable on constitutional principles alone; neither is there any instance since the Revolution of any government so adverse, in its formation, to all the free principles and practice of our Constitution."-Court and Cabinets of Geo. IV., ii. 380. As first constituted, the administration comprised a majority favourable to the Catholic claims, viz. seven for and six against them. -Lord Colchester's Diary, iii. 535. * See supra, Vol. I, 352, Test Acts, 1828. party was led by Lord John Russell, who carried against tion and the government his motion for a Bill to repeal the Feb. 26th, Corporation and Test Acts. The Duke, once fairly overcome, retreated from his position, and suffered the Bill to pass through both houses, amid the execrations of Lord Eldon, Lord Winchilsea, and the ultraTories. 1 ence to Ireland was the Duke's next difficulty. Affairs in Catholic that country had, at length, reached a crisis which de- emancipamanded present concessions, or a resort to the sword. 2 in referThe narrow policy of ministers could no longer be party. maintained; and they preferred their duty to the state, to the obligations of party. To the consternation of the Tories, the leaders whom they trusted suddenly resolved upon the immediate removal of the civil disabilities of the Catholics. The Duke and Mr. Peel were, doubtless, induced to renounce the faith. which had gained them the confidence of their party, by a patriotic desire to avert civil war but how could they hope to be judged by their followers, their opponents, and the people? Tories who conscientiously believed that the church, and the Protestant constitution of their ancestors were about to be sacrificed to political expediency, loudly complained that they had been betrayed, and their citadel treacherously surrendered to the enemy. Never had party spirit been inflamed to a higher pitch of bitterness and exasperation. The great body of the Tories,-sullen, indignant, and revengeful,-were wholly alienated from their leaders. Men who had no sympathy with that party could not deny that their complaints were well founded. According to all the ethics of party, they |