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will judge of these things not by the smooth tongue of convention, but by the plain words of Christ. Meanwhile, let us not defile our souls with the pitch of this snare. By individual superiority to Mammon, let us help England also to rise superior to this base idolatry. "You glory," said Oliver Cromwell," in the ditch which guards your shores. I tell you your ditch will not save you if you do not reform yourselves."

Once more; if, as we saw, some nations have had a false ideal of absolutism, many, and especially modern nations, have had a false ideal of liberty. There is no ideal more grand and inspiring than that of true freedom. But what is freedom? It is the correlative of order; it is the function of righteousness. Its home, too, like that of law, is the bosom of God; its voice the harmony of the world. Freedom is to sit, even in youth, "obedient at the feet of the law:"

August obedience. to the world denied,
Is God's economy to make us free.
Liberty is not the liberty to do wrong unchecked. To
be free is not synonymous with infinite facilities for drunk
enuess, any more than it is synonymous with infinite
facilities for burglary; but to be free, as Milton said, is
the same thing as to be pious, to be temperate, and to be
magnanimous:-

He is a freeman whom the truth make free,
And all are slaves beside.

Athens did not set more surely in the Bay of Syracuse the Lord to whom she professes a lip-allegiance, she than the glory of Spain sank with her Armada on the rocky shores of Western England. And that God may save this world from endless corruption, so it ever must be with every nation which takes to the worship of "Covetousness, lady of ignoble competition and of deadly care. What has this kind of wealth, the only kind of wealth which we recognize, the only kind of wealth which Scripture either will not recognize at all, or only with intense warning-what has it ever done for men and for nations? "Was ever any man the better for having coffers full of gold? But who shall measure the guilt that is often incurred to fill them? Look into the history of any civilized nation, analyze, with reference to this one cause of crime and misery, the lives and thoughts of their nobles, priests, merchants, and men of luxurious life. Every other temptation is at last concentrated into this. The sin of the whole world is essentially the sin of Judas. Men do not disbelieve in Christ, but they sell Him." We have, with a good conscience, pleaded not guilty to the other false ideals; can we also to this? I fear not. I fear we are guilty of it, in all ranks down to the poorest; guilty of it as individuals, and guilty of it as a nation. The growth and habit of a complicated luxury; the multiplication of things which are foolishly deemed necessary for life; the deepening cleft between capital and labor; the more and more glaring contrast between the everbreeding thousands and boundless superfluities of the rich, and The description, "every man did that which was right the cramping misery and ingrained envy of the poor in his own eyes," which is rapidly becoming national the toleration of infamous streets full of rotting and ideal, is a description not of heroic freedom but of hidfever-causing habitations; the all but total absence of eous anarchy. A man's liberty ends, and ought to end, the conception that vast wealth is not necessarily heaped when that liberty becomes the curse of his neighbors. on a man for no other end than the increase of his per- I look on nothing as more ominous in the whole position sonal ostentation; the hard clutch and grip of the purse- of England than the growth through all classes-the proud selfishness which has never so much as tasted the growth which is most disastrous of all, even in our barbliss of doing habitual kindness to the less fortunate; racks, and school, and universities-of this base and the proofs everywhere of a love of money which cares ignorant notion that a man ought to be free to do what for nothing but its much goods laid up for many days; he likes. It seems to me a drying up of the very springs these, for him who can read the lessons of Scripture and of national nobleness, and a proof of growing callousness of history, are omens full of terrible significance. Oh! to the demands of the moral law. It was so in the days that England would learn that increased wealth and of the slave trade, when, as we are told, "the loudest swollen fortunes and material prosperity are no signs of yelps for liberty always came from the drivers of the a nation's strength! Pagan Rome was never so rich negroes." "Would you come between a man and his as when she had scarce a freeman left. In the middle vested interests?" said some one to O'Connell when he ages Papal Rome stood raking into chests the countless was opposing the slave trade. "I started," he says, "as gold of her jubilee, just before she suffered her most if some one had trampled on my mother's grave, and humiliating shame. Spain was dropping to pieces of exclaimed, 'A vested interest in a human being!"" inward decay when all the gold of the New World was "Would you interfere with the liberty of the subject?" flowing into the treasure of her kings. Oh! that En- sneers the economist to the moral reformer. No: but gland would learn that wealth is not necessary for any if the liberty of one subject is to mean the slavery of ten country's greatness, but that justice, mercy, temperance, thousand abjects I would trample the liberty of that public spirit are; and that, without these, wealth may subject into the dust. I would trample every vested be the sign of inward weakness, just as the gorgeous interest, or sham vested interest, into the dust which colorings of the autumnal wood are but precursors of exists only for the curse and blight and ruin of mankind. death and evidence of decay. The over-estimate of I would have no trees grow which ought only to grow wealth, base means of getting wealth, habitual selfishness in that forest of the Inferno where the trees are the souls in spending wealth, sinful love and worship of wealth, the notion that the amassing of wealth-be it in shillings or be it in thousands of pounds-is an end of life, are among the gravest perils of England; and if the religion of England becomes ever real enough to be guided by

of suicides, in whose grim branches the harpies make their rests. I do not want the liberty of the French Revolution, or the Parisian Commune, with a torch in one hand and a human head in the other. "That a good man be free, as we call it," said Carlyle, "and

permitted to unfold himself in works of goodness and the true freedom of a nation lies not in the anarchic riot nobleness, is surely a blessing to him, immense and indis- of licensed temptations and unrestricted facilities for pensable to him and to those about him. But that a crime, but in the bonds of a moral obedience dearly cherbad man be free, be permitted to unfold himself in his ished by the good, but inexorably enforced on all the particular way, is contrariwise the fatallest curse you bad. When statesmen and nations have learnt these could inflict upon him-a curse and nothing else to him lessons, they will not be long in learning others. Nations and all his neighbors. Him the very heavens call upon will aim at only such conditions of life and governyou to persuade, to urge, to compel into something of ment as shall make it easy to do right and difficult to do well doing." England is not yet ripe for this teaching. wrong. Statesmen will not toil for reward; they will Our very mercy has degenerated into such mawkish and not count on praise; they will hold allegiance to the puling sentimentality that we have no longer the nerve loftiest ideal of their faith in Christ, dearer than all the to put down revolting wickedness by the infliction of glories of place and all the claims of party. Like Edwholesome pain. Our streets must be fouler in their mund Burke, they will bring to politics "a horror of. repellent, unblushing, multitudinous immorality than the crime, a deep humanity, a keen sensibility, a singular streets of any town in Europe. Every form of stupefy- vivacity and sincerity of conscience;" like Sir Robing and maddening poison must be sold to the most ert Peel, they will, amid all the chequered fortunes of miserable dregs of the people, whom they confirm in their career, be able to turn from the storm without to their irreclaimable vileness, at 120 ginshops and beer- the sunshine of an approving heart within. They will shops within half a mile of the Houses of Parliament. not be afraid to cut against the grain of godless prejuIndecent prints, that ought to be trampled out of exist- dice; they will not be sophisticated by the prudential ence in a week, are bawled about our thoroughfares maxims of an immoral acquiescence; they will sweeten for months. Huge institutions must be deliberately with words of justice and gentleness the conflicts of licensed, though they are known to be mere festering party; they will be quick to the encouragement of virhotheds of moral corruption. Woe to the nation which tue; and they will be firm and fearless to the prompt, has become too feebly timid to repress infamy, and too inflexible, inexorable suppression, and extirpation-so perplexed to scourge the back of crime! Will England far as powers of government can do it-of all open never awake to more fearless faithfulness, or shall things and soul-destroying vice. go on, as now they are going on, till the pit swallow them? If not, I hope that in due time the hands of the people themselves will tear down from its altar this brazen image of spurious freedom, and call it Nehushtan. O Liberty, what crimes are committed in thy name!

What, then, is a great nation's one and only true ideal, if it is to be indeed a wise and understanding people? The frivolous may sneer, and the faithless may deride; but it is duty, and it is righteousness. That is as much the law of Christ as it is the law of Sinai. If a nation be not the uplifter of this banner, it is nothing, and it is doomed in due time to fall. And that is why the Bible, when men will read it by the light of truth and not of pseudo-religious theories, is still the statesman's best manual. For it will teach him several things. It will teach him that progress is the appointed inevitable law of human life, and that it is a deadly error to suppose that we are sent into the world only to preserve, and not to improve. And it will teach him to honor man simply as man, and to regard all men, from the highest to the lowest, as absolutely equal before the bar of justiceequally under the stroke of her sword, equally under the shadow of her shield. And it will teach him that, always and invariably, the unjust gains and the immoral practices of the class must be put down in the interests of the community and that the interests of the community are subordinate always to those of the nations. And it will teach him that the true glory of nations lies, not in the splendid misery of war, but in the dissemination of honorable happiness, and the encouragement of greatness, and the depression of vice. And it will teach him that the true wealth of a nation is not in gold and silver, but in the souls of strong, contented, and self-respecting men. And it will teach him that

PROFESSION AND PRACTICE.

109 HARBORNE ROAD, BIRMINGHAM.

To the Editor of the Herald of Peace:

I hear, on many sides, of great rejoicings on account of what is called the "glorious victory" gained by our generals in Egypt.

Let us consider for a moment what must be, or ought to be, the feelings of a warrior after what is called "a successful campaign." The contest in the way of physical force is over for the time; the weak have had to give way, their cause being right or wrong; hundreds or thousands are killed, wounded, or mutilated for life, or attacked it may be by sore diseases incident to a foreign climate to which they are unaccustomed; those who cannot reach their homes are thrown into vans for the hospital, their agonizing sufferings to be alleviated or not, according to circumstances, and certainly deprived of the care of those who would best know how to give it. Others, as I have said, sinking from disease and exhaustion, after escaping from railway carriages, where they had been crowded to suffocation, having thrown themselves upon the damp ground, suffering from starvation, nothing even to drink but the pestilential water which had brought on their malady; without rag of covering, exposed to the burning sun, and destined to wait for hours in that melancholy state, on their weary and toilsome journey, whilst the favored few passed them in treble speed and exultation. These poor wretches form but a partial picture of the horrors which the many are subject to in the time of war. Amongst the victims are husbands and fathers, whose lives were given for very different purposes, and were dear, too, to many, and

ADVERTISEMENTS.

OUR INDIAN WARDS.

BY HON. GEO. W. MANYPENNY,

the Sioux Commission of 1876, and at present chairman of the
Ute Commission.
ROBERT CLARKE & Co., PUBLISHERS,
Cincinnati, Ohio.

Price,

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. $3.00 sent postpaid from the Office of The Council Fire and Arbi

trator on receipt of $2.00.

This book should be in the library of every friend of justice, for it is a complete and able history of our dealings with the Indians from the first to the present time.

LIFE OF A. B. MEACHAM.

BY T. A. BLAND.

Together with his thrilling lecture on the Modoc war, entitled "THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS." Steel portrait of Colonel Meacham, and wood engravings of Dr. Thomas, General Canby, Captain Jack, Scarface Charley, Boston Charley, Wi-ne-ma, and others. In paper covers, 25 cents; elegant cloth binding, $1.00. Address:

T. A. BLAND, Washington, D. C.

ought to have been devoted to the care, both morally and physically, of their own offspring, and not sacrificed in unjustifiable warfare. Induced to leave their homes, to swell the ranks of those wretched victims who seem to be looked upon as little more than necessary tools by their so-called superiors, whose voice they must obey in Commissioner of Indian Affairs from 1853 to 1857; chairman of all the horrors of conflict, though they are denied a share in the so-called honors resulting from success. I have lately seen the colored photograph of a general who has been engaged in this Egyptian struggle; his countenance did not strike me as being that of a happy man, but his coat was adorned with many stars and marks of military honors; no doubt he had sacrificed much to gain these honors; the bleeding, maimed and dying, through whose misery they were purchased,were for the time lost sight of, as were the laws,moral and divine,which had been violated, and he and his friends felt that they were fully rewarded by the applause of the world, which was near to them. I confess that I do not understand such feelings; but I do understand and thoroughly appreciate those of another general I have heard of, who exclaimed on his dying bed, at the sight of a dog, "Oh, that I had no more to answer for than that dog!" And well might he wish to be even a dog, rather than have to bear the responsibilities he had heaped upon himself as a man. No doubt this general had gained victories, had many honors bestowed upon him, as well as great praise from those who reaped the shallow reward of his successes. But he came to die; his eyes were opened to see things in some proportion to their real worth. He might hear the agonizing cries of the wounded, and see in imagination the victims, whose untimely end, prepared or unprepared, he had so ruthlessly hastened, but the honor, the glory of his work, was no longer visible; that had vanished from his grasp; a world of new realities was opening upon him; he felt that, though at the end of his mortal career, he had but taken a step, as it were, into eternity. He began to realize, too, the immense capacity there is in the human soul for weal or woe, especially for the latter, when divine laws had been violated, and teachings disregarded-in fact to feel most deeply that heaven is a state of mind, and not a place; that the kingdom is within, whereas he had only sought it from without. Ours, as a nation, is a similar case to that of the general, in this last particular at least. With regard to Egypt, we have gone through all the horrors of bloodshed in the way of bombardment, etc., destruction of crops, AMERICAN FARM AND HOME. and all the varied results of industry, carried on by the natives and legitimate owners of land and soil. We have sacrificed the lives and health of numbers of our own Published at Washington, D. C., 24 pages, size 11 x 16 inches, people, whose welfare ought to have been dear to usand even looked upon as a sacred trust by those who have placed themselves in the position of governors. M. L. DIXON.

ISAAC T. GIBSON & CO.,
Office, 1209 G Street, Washington, D. C.

WE HAVE ESTABLISHED A

General Claim Agency,

To secure to our PATRONS, through Congress, the Court of Claims, or the Departments, APPROPRIATIONS, ALLOWANCES, or payments of JUST CLAIMS against the Government. To investigate and assist in removing the frequent delays in the Departments in issuing Land Patents, approving Contracts, paying Vouchers, Debts, etc. To expedite the adjustment of differences in accounts. To assist the wronged in interest of the different tribes of Indians in obtaining from obtaining justice, and especially do we offer our services in the the Government a just recognition of their rights to treaty obligations, and to a fair and impartial hearing on all matters pertaining to their treatment and welfare. CHARGES REAISAAC T. GIBSON & CO.,

SONABLE. Address :

P. O. Box 6, Washington, D. C.

THE

A Monthly Agricultural Journal,

printed on heavy book paper,

Devoted Exclusively to the Interests of Farm and Home.

T. A. BLAND, EDITOR.
Subscription price, One Dollar a year.

BACK numbers of THE COUNCIL FIRE AND ARBITRA- Sample numbers sent free. TOR for 1882 can be had by applying at this office. For 50 cents we will send to any address complete sets of

Address

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THE COUNCIL FIRE AND ARBITRATOR for 1882, with the Printed by RUFUS H. DARBY, Publisher, 432 Ninth Street, exception of two numbers, October and December.

Washington, D. C.

COUNCIL FIRE

AND ARBITRATOR.

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THE STOCKBRIDGES ASK CONGRESS TO DO JUSTICE. features, authorized an enrollment of the Indians. The Mr. J. C. Adams, a Stockbridge Indian, of fine tal- special officers who made the enrollment arbitrarily ents and good education, has been in Washington for excluded a majority of the tribe, who were thus pracsome weeks as an official representative of a majority tically dispossessed of lands on which they had lived for of the Stockbridges and Munsees, who have been de- twenty-five years, and on which they had built houses, prived of their homes by an act of Congress passed in planted orchards, and made farms. Senator Sawyer, of 1871. The history of villanies practiced on these In- Wisconsin, supported this bill with great earnestness, dians, by Indian agents, commissioners, and Congress, and, after its passage, secured a large amount of pine in the interests of white settlers and lumbermen, is al- timber from the Stockbridge lands for a very small sum. most beyond belief. The Stockbridges were originally The Indians have not been driven from their homes, from Massachusetts; Stockbridge, in that State, being but the Secretary of the Interior, acting under the adnamed in their honor. They have been, from time to vice of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has issued time, moved from place to place. They are now an order to forcibly dispossess them. Mr. Adams prein Wisconsin, residing on a small tract of land which pared a bill, and through Congressman Deuster, of Wisthey purchased, near Showano, in 1856, and which was, consin, presented it to Congress on the 12th instant, at that time, by an act of Congress, divided in severalty which restores to these Indians their homes. This bill to heads of families. In 1871 a small minority of these was referred to the Indian Committee, and has been reIndians, under the advice of certain white men, whose ported back to the House with a recommendation that purpose was to get possession of the lands of the ma- it be passed. It is to be hoped that it may pass both. jority at nominal prices, sigued a petition to Congress the House and Senate this session, and receive the sigasking for the passage of a bill which, among other nature of the President.

SARAH WINNEMUCCA'S LETTER TO SENATOR

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LOGAN.

General Armstrong's recommendation, in his annual report, that all Indian schools be put under the control of military men. They should have read the fable of the viper, who after being warmed into life by the kindhearted man, sunk its poison fangs into the flesh of its benefactor, before they put military officers in charge of Indian schools and gave them their confidence and their money so freely.

REPORT OF THE SIOUX COMMISSION.

Senator Logan has given to the press a letter purporting to be written by an Indian woman known as Sarah Winnemucca, but who claims to be the wife of an army officer by the name of Hopkins. Sarah pours out a flood of gratitude to Senator Logan for his determined opposition to the Indian appropriation bill, and says: "The money appropriated year after year for the education of Indians had better be styled an appropriation for Indian agents and their relations, or else be Under act of Congress of August 7th, 1882, Secregiven to the army, who are continually being called tary Teller appointed Newton Edmons and Peter C. upon to protect these guardians of the Government Shannon, of Dakota, and James H. Teller, of Colorado, wards, while they and their sisters, and their cousins, a commission to visit the various bands of the Sioux and their aunts,' are feathering their nests while the Nation, and secure their consent to take separate resersun shines." After inveighing against the present sys- vations, and surrender a large portion of their lands to tem of educating the Indians in books, and teaching the Government. The report of the commission is bethem how to farm, in the strongest language possible fore us. On reading it we find that the Indians have she says: "It has been the desire of my life that my surrendered about 18,000 square miles, or 11,000,000 people should be educated, not only in books, but in till- acres of their lands, and retain about 11,000 square miles, ing the soil, &c., and I have labored for years to that or 7,000,000 acres. We quote as follows from the reend, and have met with such poor encouragement I port: have given it up. The only true friends the Indians have are the army, and the assistance rendered me from time to time by the officers of the army is gratefully remembered. In fact, the only time they get rations of any kind regularly, is when they are under the control of the War Department."

"The principal consideration promised for the cession of territory remaining, after setting apart the reservations above described, consists of cattle for breeding Indians are all well adapted to stock-raising, and their purposes. As has been stated, the land reserved by the value for this purpose has been fully demonstrated. Experience has shown that it is easier to induce the Indians to engage in pastoral pursuits than in the purely agricultural. While herds furnished under this agree ment are under the charge of the Government agent, the duty of herding them may be intrusted to the Indians under proper supervision. It is believed that in this way the Indians may, in time, be made competent to take full charge of their cattle, and at no distant day become nearly or quite self-supporting.

If Sarah wrote this letter of her own choice, its significance consists solely in the fact that even an Indian woman can be so corrupted by the evil influences of the army as to become a traitor to her people. But it is not probable that she did write it. The presumption is very strong that it was composed by some officer of the army, or else by a committee of military officers, "The other considerations promised are such as are who by some means known only to the parties in inter- calculated to promote the education and civilization of est, got the consent of Sarah to let it go to the Ameri- the Indians, and are, in the main, only a continuance can public in the interest of the army with her name to of stipulations contained in the treaty of 1868. The it. This letter is a straw which shows clearly that the provisions by which the Government agrees to provide army has not given up the hope of getting Congress to children of school age is considered a very important one. school-houses and teachers in proportion to the number of transfer the Indian Bureau to the War Department. The results of our observation and inquiry among the peoThe next Congress is to be besieged by army lobbyists, ple visited lead us to believe that the proper place to eduwho will press this treacherous measure; hence it behooves cate the Indian children is on the reservation, among or the friends of the Indian to be active and vigilant. The near their own people. It is not denied that education at army is conducting this campaign in true military style, in accordance with the army maxim that "all is fair in war"-to magnify their own virtues and depreciate those of the civil officers, and by every means possible induce those who have been recognized as friends of the peace policy to go over to the other side and throw their influence against it. A few months ago the friends of peace and justice and the Indians were astounded by

points remote from Indian settlements may show more to schools among the people, but in the end the objects rapid progress and wider attainments than are possible gained are of less value and permanence than those obtained by education at home."

By a natural law, analogous to that of gravity, the pupil returned from school to the reservation and thrown, still on the old level of ignorance and barbarism is, with suddenly and unsupported, among relatives and friends few exceptions, drawn down, the smaller mass to the lar

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