a plea till after that decision. After this, making his obeisance to the speaker, he retired; so also did lord Castlereagh, after stating that what he felt on the present occasion was in perfect consonance with that of his right honourable friend who had just left the house. Mr. Madocks moved that "the matter of his charge against the right honourable Spencer Perceval and lord viscount Castlereagh be heard at the bar of the house." Mr. Whitbread and sir Francis Burdett both rose to second the motion. A long debate ensued: one party contended for the necessity of parliamentary reform; another for at least the correction of public abuses, and the propriety, whatever might be the result, of investigation; another insisted on the blessings we derive from the present order of things, the danger to be apprehended from innovations, and, at all adventures, whatever might be thought of the expediency of a parliamentary reform, the present was not a time for the discussion of that subject. Besides, it was observed by Mr. Cartwright, who opposed the motion, that there was a bill now before the house, respecting the subject of Mr. Madocks's charges, the sale and disposal of seats in parliament, and that whatever might be its fate, it would undoubtedly receive a cool and impartial consideration. Whatever restrictions and regulations respecting that subject might be determined on in future, it was inconsistent with justice and equity to act upon them retrospectively.

Lord Milton, though not a friend to the project of parliamentary

reform, to the success of which he did not see any tendency in the present motion, was yet impressed with the necessity of correcting public abuses, and none, he said, called more imperatively for correction than palpable interferences of the king's ministers in obtaining the return of members to that house. The present ministry, his lordship observed, were not a whit more criminal than all former administrations had been. The evil, however, ought to cease, and any prospective remedy should have his support. With a view to that object, he moved, as an amendment, "That in place of the words of the bar,' the said charge be referred to a select committee." Mr. Davy Giddy moved an amendment to the motion, for excluding that part of the charge relating to Mr. Perceval and Mr. Wellesley, and retaining only that which related to lord Castlereagh. Mr. Canning reminded the house that the main and sole object of the present motion and its abettors was, as avowed both by Mr. Madocks and lord Folkstone, a reform in parliament. They had already advanced two steps; they had but one more to take, which was to relieve his majesty's ministers from all attendance in parliament. They meant first to rob public men of all the influence of character, well knowing that without such a shield they must prove defenceless and impotent; and next to take every thing that was liberal from the ambition for place, and reduce public men to that degraded standard to which such amo-. tion as the present must level them.

Mr. Hutchinson said, that when posterity should learn that

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House of Commons was found so debased as to acknowledge the existence of corruption in its formation, and justify the existence of it-[Here Mr. Hutchinson was interrupted by cries of withdraw! withdraw! and a violent uproar.] When this subsided, Mr. H. said it was at least consistent in those who had recourse to such vociferation, to drown, if possible, the voices of those who opposed them; convinced, as they must be, that such conduct as they pursued that night could neither bear argument, inquiry, nor the touchstone of common integrity.

The question being loudly called for, the two amendments were negatived without a division. The house then divided on the original motion, as proposed by Mr. Madocks; when the number of votes were-ayes, 85; noes, 310.

House of Commons, May 4.Mr. Curwen made a variety of observations with the view of proving the propriety of bringing forward the measure of parliamentary reform, at the present moment. He took a view of the circumstances under which former reforms had been attempted.-At one period reform would have been obtained, if Mr. Pitt had maintained his consistency. The next serious at tempt was made by the "Society of friends to the people:" they sought to inspire the country with their own sentiments; but the times were unpropitious; a reform was neither called for nor wished. He made remarks on the difference that the lapse of time had occasioned between our present state and that in which we were at either of the periods to which he had before particularly alluded,

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The power and influence of the crown had received considerable increase; our army, navy, system of taxation, and expenditure, were, at present, on such a scale and under such management, as materially to increase that influence. Mr. Pitt's profuse creation of peers, without much enriching that noble body, had tended to impoverish the commons. This weight of landed property and influence had been subtracted from that house and added to another, which might fairly be supposed to direct its views more towards the crown than the people. During the present reign, the selection of persons clad in the ermine of justice had certainly done honour to his majesty's government. From that body he drew his authority; he had the direct authority of sir W. Blackstone for the extension of the oath against bribery, from the electors to the elected. Under such authority as his, Mr. Curwen felt confidence in adopting this, as a leading feature in the proposed measures for reformation. Another measure he should propose would be to impose penalties on the sale, or contracting to sell a seat in that house; and next, to extend the bribery laws to agents or pub lic persons attempting to corrupt electors, during the whole period of parliament; to preclude their receiving a corrupt consideration for procuring the votes of electors, at any period, as well subsequent, as prior to the election. In the paths of commerce there were to be found men of as high honour, independent minds, and general information as in any other; but to every class of society there was

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attached a peculiar character. In former days the mercantile character was marked by frugality and industry; but trade was now commuted for speculation: a lucky hit produced the objects of a whole life; if the speculation was unsuccessful, hundreds were reduced to poverty, and the principal consigned to a prison and oblivion. War produced loans, contracts, and not unfrequently an extension of commerce to those engaged in certain branches of it. Was it uncandid to suppose that those who contemplate war under this aspect would not be as averse to it as the landed proprietor, who knows and feels its miseries? He who spends a considerable portion of his time in the country, necessarily witnesses the hardships to which war subjects the lower classes. The power of interest over judgment and every patriotic feeling was strongly exemplified by an occurrence which Mr. Curwen wished to God could be erased from the memory of man and the page of history-On the Royal Exchange, when the lord mayor communicated, in 1806, the miscarriage of our negociations for peace, his auditors expressed their indecent and unfeeling exultations by three cheers!

By the alterations Mr. Curwen proposed, a larger proportion of the landed interest would appear amongst them in the House of Commons; while the mercantile portion of the community would continue to represent the metropolis, and those other cities and boroughs where they had a natural interest; as it was fit they should, since the very excellence of parliaments consisted in their con

taining a due proportion of all ranks in society. Considering the importance of our commerce, he should be very sorry, he said, if they had not amongst them of those who pursue it their due proportion, as well as of the army and learned professions. But the peculiar advantage of having the landed proprietor in that house was, that each individual brought with him the affections and the confidence of a portion of the people. Thus the united affections of each portion of the empire were concentrated in parliament; and hence the moral power which it possessed. The infallible consequence of increasing the number of our country gentlemen within these walls would be to make us more pacifically disposed; it would give a different tone to our councils; it would check the rage for foreign commerce, and the acquisition of fresh colonies; it would turn our attention and our efforts to domestic improvement, to the melioration of our internal resources, and the happiness of our country. It would inspire greater moderation of conduct towards other nations, and dispose us not to imitate on the ocean those strides of power which we deprecate on the continent." If we evince a disposition (said Mr. Curwen in conclusion) to reform, we shall heal our divisions, and re-establish ourselves in the good opinion of the people. Then may the British minister proclaim to all Europe, it is not on the bravery of her troops, or the unparalleled prowess of her navy alone that our country builds her strength; it is on the hearts and affections of her children; possessing these, she

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en securely bid defiance to a world in arms; with increasing difficulties she can call forth increased exertions; her soldiers are every man who can wield a muslet: her resources every guinea we possess; in her defence every arm will be uplifted, every danger despised; and no other object of emulation can then exist among us, than how each in his station can vield the best service to his sovereign and his country." Mr. Curwen then moved: "That leave be given to bring in a bill for better securing the purity and independence of parliament, by preventing the procuring or obtaining seats in parliament by corrupt practices; and likewise, more effectually to prevent bribery."Mr. Windham said that there were some measures, of which this was one, that ought to be rejected in limine to prevent the evil consequences of giving them the slightest encouragement. It had been for many years his opinion that the house ought strenuously to oppose, as dangerous and mad, any proposal for parliamentary reform, every system and every feature of which, that had hitherto been produced was, in his mind, extravagantly and even ludicrously wrong: both practically and philosophically wrong. Among the various plans of parliamentary reform, that of universal suffrage was the most predominant; the monied interest might then say, this is very well for you who have landed property, but it won't do for us. Other objections would be started by those who had neither money nor land, and the progress of the passion for partiamentary reformation would event

ually turn out just as the French revolution had done. Nothing could do; it would be impossible to produce a plan, at which one party or other would not snap their fingers. It was the object of the bill to do away boroughmongering and corruption; would it do away the influence of property? the influence of the landlord over the tenant was equally corruption with that complained of. If men took bribes, it was not a corruption of that house. That house had made a law respecting elections, for guarding against the very shadow of corruption, namely, the act against treating, after so many days allowed by the law, for the test of the writ, by inadvertently having infringed which rule, he himself, though he had done nothing immoral or wrong, had lost the representation of the county of Norfolk. Bribery and corruption were coeval with the people, as a body or branch of the legislature: co-extensive with the constitution. Such corruptions existed in times when the country was the best governed, and the most prosperous. Mr. W. denied that the transactions which had been brought to light in the course of the late inquiry were at all to be considered as corruptions of government. All that had been proved was, that such persons as Mrs. Clarke, Mr. Basely, and Dr. O'Meara, had been trafficking for places and commissions; but there was not any proof of corruption in the government. If there were corruptions in that house, they could not be cured by parliamentary reform. As to probability or possibility of pacifying and pleas ing the people by this bill, it was extravagance

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once the house began with reforming, they could never stop; if once they made any change to please the people, the people would go on; they would never know when they had enough; and therefore he would oppose the general principles of reform.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that whatever he might think respecting the inconvenience of any change at the present moment, he had no hesitation in giving it as his opinion, that there could not be any inconvenience in discussing any project of reform. What was said to be the growing sentiment of the country respecting reform had arisen from the silence of parliament, and the only effectual mode of putting an end to the delusion practised upon the public was, to take up the discussion of such subjects in that house, and not leave them to be discussed in popular meetings and inflammatory papers, out of doors. On these grounds, he should allow the bill to go to a second reading, but without giving any pledge to support it.-To Mr. Bathurst it appeared, that his friend Mr. Windham had taken the alarm at the idea of reform too soon. If the practice complained of, namely, that the inAuence which individuals had in the return of members to that house had been transferred to others for a pecuniary consideration, was wrong: it was no reason to urge against the adoption of a remedy, that it might lead to the adoption of still further measures The bill proposed by Mr. Curwen was a mere act of regulation, and had no connection whatever with

question of parliamentary reform. The arguments urged against this bill would have been advanced with equal propriety against the Grenville act, and all the other acts for regulating the conduct of parliament, passed since the Revolution; nay, he contended that the present question had less reference to parliamentary reform than any of the other acts to which he had alluded.-Mr. Ponsonby too observed that the measure proposed was simply an act of regulation. Mr. Curwen expressed his obligations for the qualified support of Mr. Bathurst; but he would not admit that he was, in the smallest degree, obliged to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he wondered that this right honourable gentleman did not oppose the bringing in of the bill, when he had plainly intimated his design to oppose it in its progress. Was it for the purpose of putting him [Mr. Curwen] in a situation of difficulty, and thereby to shew his inability? He knew that he had great difficulties to encounter; but he trusted that, with the assistance of the house, he should be able to surmount them. The question being put, the motion was carried; and Mr. Ponsonby, sir A. Pigot, sir S. Romilly, lord Folkstone, Mr. Windham, and other members, were ordered to join Mr. Curwen, for the purpose of preparing and bringing in the bill.

In the progress of this bill through the different stages, many clauses proposed by Mr. Curwen were struck out, and many others proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer inserted; the conse

quence