vited to the assembly of the representatives of the American republics, which is soon to take place, for the purpose of securing the establishment of their general emancipation, and neutralizing the oppressive views and projects of those who desire to extinguish among Americans the feelings, nay, even the idea and the memory of liberty and independence.

The time has therefore arrived, in which the nation may indulge its pride, since it owes so much to its good sense and its good feeling, and in which the chambers may enjoy the purest pleasure in seeing the happy issue of their labours, their zeal, and their exertions for the public good. Much yet remains to be done to reach the point at which the nation ought to aim. We are as yet only sowing, but the soil is of the most fertile kind, and we have at hand moisture in abundance. With what satisfaction then, and with what zeal ought the powers of the nation to cultivate the precious field which has been intrusted to them. For my part, and to conclude, I have the honour to recommend to the legislative body the passing of several grave and important measures, which are pending, and which benumb the course of administration. In the mean time the government trusts that the interval of the recess will be employed in preparing and forwarding the labours of the commissions, that when the time of the meeting of the chambers arrives, they may resolve and consult, in the most expeditious manner, to promote the advancement and felicity of the republic which we all desire to see at its height as soon as possible.

ANSWER OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE CONGRESS TO THE FOREGOING SPEECH.

Sir,-Truly the public welfare advances and acquires perfection among us, we have just been told in the speech of the first magistrate of the executive power. It is only a year since we laboured at our constiiution, and the new order of things has already nearly reached its full development. The impulse which appears in the

career of free nations comes, in a great measure, from the New World. An impulse given by the general will, regulated and sustained by laws well considered, like those which compose our valuable federal code, must keep us in perpetual progress, and must raise our republic to a splendour and opulence easy to be foreseen. We are still in our infancy. This is the first constitutional congress of the federation; and if we join to what the government has said what is greatest in the deliberations and labours of both chambers during the period of their first session, it will be seen that every thing is important, and that every thing is conformable to the spirit and the nature of the system which regulates us.

Well-meditated projects for perfecting the exercise of the supreme judicial power of the federation; for organizing the active militia; for defining the privileges which, by combining the public with individal interest, secure the fruits of their exertions to talent and industry; for regulating the army, and preventing disorder, or chastising it, consistently with the self-respect of the soldier; for establishing a new port, to encourage our commerce, and facilitate the export of the first fruits of our nascent agriculture; and---that which is of the greatest importance---for establishing a concordat with the Apostolic See, for placing us in communication with the sovereign pontiff, and for providing pastors to the Mexican church, which now exists in an orphan state;-such, together with the debates worthy of the zealous representatives of this new nation on the treaty of commerce and friendship between us and the King of Great Britain, appear amid the labours and deliberations of the last five months. All this is important to the nation, and all is conformable to the federal system. Eternal honour to the representatives and the president of the United States of Mexico, who carry forward this great people to the highest destinies! It is true that the greater part of our projects, although discussed in the chamber in which they originated, still remain under the examination of the chamber of revision. It was not allowable for us to precipitate the legislative march of the two assemblies combined

to deliberate a march as majestic as slow in its very nature; nor did the law permit us to lengthen the session beyond the present day; but the same law which now prorogues us will assemble us at its usual time, and the nation will again see us employed in perfecting our labours.

PERU.

MESSAGE TO THE SOVEREIGN CONSTITUENT CONGRESS OF

PERU.

Gentlemen,-The representatives of the Peruvian people meet this day, under the auspices of the splendid victory of Ayacucho, which has fixed for ever the destinies of the New World.

Twelve months have elapsed since the congress created the dictatorial authority, with the view of saving the republic, which was sinking, oppressed with the weight of the most dreadful calamities. But the beneficent hand of the liberating army has cured the heart-wounds of the country; it has broken the chains riveted by Pizarro on the sons of Manco Capac, the founder of the empire of the sun, and has restored Peru to the enjoyment of her rights.

My administration cannot properly be so called, but rather a campaign; scarcely have we had the time necessary to arm and to combat, the confusion and disasters that prevailed leaving us no alternative but that of defending ourselves. As the army has triumphed with so much glory for the arms of Peru, I deem myself bound to request of the congress that they will duly reward the valour and the virtue of the defenders of their country.

The tribunals have been established according to the fundamental laws. I have ordered that concealed merit may be sought out, and placed in the judgment seat: I have carefully enquired for those who modestly profess the worship of conscience-the religion of the laws.

The national revenue was almost exhausted: fraud corrupted all its channels, want of order augmented the misery of the state.

I was myself compelled to institute essential reforms, and dictate severe ordinances, in order that the republic might once more recover her existence; convinced that, for the support of social life, gold must flow through its veins.

The crisis of the republic invited a mighty reform that, perhaps, the course of ages might never again present. The political edifice had been destroyed by crime and war. I found myself on the field of desolation, but possessed, at the same time, of power to erect a beneficent government upon it. Notwithstanding my ardent zeal for the good of Peru, I cannot venture to assure the congress that this work has been brought to that perfection with which my hopes had flattered me. All the wisdom of congress will be required to give to the country that organization which she requires, and the felicity which liberty promises to her. Permit me to observe, that not being myself a Peruvian, I encountered extraordinary difficulties in the execution of so arduous an undertaking.

. Our relations with the republic of Colombia have produced the most powerful effects in our favour. Our ally and confederator has reserved nothing from us; she has employed her treasures, her marine, and her army, in warring against the common enemy, as in her own cause.

The congress will observe in these efforts of Colombia, the infinite advantage which America will derive from the intimate and strict union of the new states. Persuaded as I am of the mighty benefits which will result from the meeting of the congress of representatives, I have hastened to invite our confederates in the name of Peru, in order that, without loss of time, we may behold in the Isthmus of Panama, that august assembly which is to seal our perpetual alliance.

The republic of Chili has placed at the disposition of our government a part of her marine, commanded by the gallant Vice-Admiral Blanco, who is at present blockading the fortress of Callao with Chilian and Colombian forces.

The states of Mexico, Guatemala, and Buenos-Ayres, have made us offer of assistance: but this we have not required, on account of the celerity of our success. These republics have constituted themselves, and they continue to maintain their internal tranquillity.

The diplomatic agent of the republic of Colombia is the only one that, in these circumstances, has been accredited to our government.

The Consuls of Colombia, of the United States of America, and of Great Britain, have presented themselves in this capital, to exercise their functions: the last had the misfortune to perish in a lamentable manner; the other two have obtained the necessary exequatur to enter on the duties of their office.

After the recent military events in Peru are known in Europe, there is every probability that those governments will decide defi→ nitively on the policy which they ought to adopt. I flatter myself that Great Britain will be the first to recognize our independence. If we can place dependence on the declarations of France, she will not be far behind England in this liberal step; and in like manner the rest of Europe will pursue the same conduct. Even Spain itself, if she listens to the voice of her true interests, will no longer oppose herself to the existence of the new states, who have just completed the social system of the universe.

Legislators!-On returning to the congress the supreme power which they deposited in my hands, I may be permitted to felicitate the people on freeing themselves from what is most terrible in the world-from war, by the victory of Ayacucho-and from despotism, by my resignation. Proscribe for ever, I beseech you, so dreadful an authority!—an authority that was the sepulchre of Rome! It was laudable, without doubt, in the congress, to escape from horrid abysses, and to avoid encountering furious tempests, to confide its laws to the bayonets of the liberating army; but now that the nation has obtained domestic peace and political liberty, none should command except the laws.

Gentlemen,―The congress is installed. My duties as an auxiliary soldier, call me to contribute to the liberty of Upper Peru,