possible to form a solid government which is not purely national. General interest only can serve as a bond for the union of the provinces. Authorities founded on prejudices sprung up in times of barbarism, and yet may subsist and be useful amongst civilized communities, because personal interests, successively collected and consolidated into great masses by time, may reach the point of becoming almost national; but to create, at the present moment, an authority on such a basis in these provinces, is as impossible as it would be to condense the events of many ages into a single day.

Public opinion is so decided upon this point, that no error can be feared, except in the specification of general interests. No example will be able to lead us to prefer, as the best means of government the false superiorities which spring from privileges, to the real superiorities which depend upon personal merit: but it may happen that legal provisions and prohibitions may be considered as the productive means of riches and national prosperity. This fatal error would banish from our territory the free competition of industry of men belonging to the whole world.

You will easily recognize the importance of dissipating with a vigorous hand prevailing illusions on this capital object. You who, without hitherto possessing, like old nations, any thing which can impede your progress in social science, feel yourselves called upon to apply to the virgin soil the most powerful instrument which is known to people and enrich it, are likewise in a happy condition to establish a law which will be registered one day in the code of nations. By the side of the law for securing individual liberty, freedom of thought, the inviolability of property, equality in the eye of the law open the free competition of industry to all men in the territory of the United Provinces. This law will be a consequence of the rights of men in society-it will strengthen the vital principle of union among the provinces-it will extinguish the seeds of jealousy and prejudice which may agitate them-and, finally, it will destroy the necessity for treaties of commerce, which, being the offspring of ignorance, have

given occasion to wars, bloody in themselves, and useless to the conquerors.

At least, gentlemen, the government of Buenos Ayres has a right to expect that you will not disapprove of the analogous policy which it has followed to nationalize the provinces of the ancient union. The laws which have been dictated with this spirit-the consolidation of the national debt-the creation of public credit-the projects which have sprung up under its protection to promote enterprises of industry in the provinces-all this has produced salutary effects, excites great hopes, and presents a basis of union which public opinion has hitherto sought with anxiety.

The examination of the official correspondence will show you the care which the government of Buenos Ayres has exerted to preserve a good understanding, and to draw closer the bonds of friendship with those nations of the continent who fight for the common cause. A just correspondence, and motives of high national interest, require the mission of a minister plenipotentiary to the republic of Colombia. The situation of Peru since its last misfortunes rendered necessary the nomination of another minister to that government; but both those ministers must now receive new credentials from the general power of the united provinces.

We have fulfilled a great national duty with the republic of the United States of North America. That republic, which since its origin, stands at the head of the civilization of the New World, has solemnly recognized our independence. It has, at the same time, made an appeal to our national honour, supposing us capable of contending single-handed with the Spanish power; but it has constituted itself as guardian of the field of battle, in order not to permit the introduction of any third party to aid our rival.

The neighbouring empire of Brazil exhibits a contrast with this noble republic, and forms a deplorable exception to the general policy of American nations. The province of Monte Video, separated from the rest of our provinces, by the most ignoble

artifices, and retained under the weight of arms, is a scandal which is made more odious by the appearance of legality in which it endeavours to conceal the usurpation. The government of the provinces of Buenos Ayres has tried the means of reason with the court of Janeiro; and although its efforts have been hitherto ineffectual, still it does not despair. Perhaps the counsel of powerful friends may bring it to listen to reason, and remove from the coasts of America the fatal necessity of war.

The vacillation of some of the great powers of the European continent, and the malevolence which others show towards the new republics of this part of the world, arise from the constrained position in which they are placed by a policy inconsistent with the nature of things. Kings can possess neither force nor power, except by means which the perfection of social order presents. They know very well the extent and advantage of those means; but, frightened with the movements which they see around their throne, they endeavour to return to their past immobility. They would desire that truth and error should form an alliance to strengthen their authority. Thence has sprung the inexplicable dogma of legitimacy, which now torments the nations of ancient Europe, and for the propagation of which the Holy Alliance was formed. It is therefore difficult that this alliance should recognize, as legitimate, governments whose origin is not obscure, and whose authority is supported not upon prodigies, but upon the simple and natural rights of nations. But it will not be just on that account to fear that the soldiers of the Holy Alliance intend to traverse the Atlantic on purpose to establish here the odious legitimacy of the Catholic King.

Great Britain, released from compromises with the allies, has adopted towards the states of America a noble conduct worthy of the most civilized, most free, and, on this account, the most powerful nation of Europe. The solemn recognition of the independence of the new republic will be a consequence of the principles she has proclaimed. And you may believe, Senors, that

this important event, as far as relates to the provinces of the Plata, depends chiefly on their showing themselves bound in a national union, and with the capacity of maintaining the good institutions they already possess.

The Catholic King has annulled the preliminary convention which his commissioners concluded with the government of this province, and through its intervention with most of the union, on the 4th of July last year. He has declared that the language which he employed as the king of a free people, is not, and cannot be, his own. But his absolute authority is a curse to Spain, and his name only passes to this part of the world to serve the interests of some chiefs, who make war on their own account in the interior provinces of Peru, like the adventurers who first conquered it.

But for the unfortunate dissensions which have crippled the provinces of La Plata, this war would have been ended. It has compromised too long the honour of the allied republics of the continent, but every thing announces that it approaches the hour of its termination. Already the illustrious Liberator of Colombia hastens victorious towards the very centre of the power of the oppressors of Peru. The republic of Chili has moved its naval forces to close the Pacific against them; and the government of this province, uniting its efforts to those of Salta, prepares the elements which may serve as a basis to the national power for a more extended plan of operations.

Such is the situation of the general business at this moment. We enjoy favourable auspices. If they are realized, the year which approaches will see an end of the war, and the commencement of the national existence of the provinces of Rio de la Plata.

(Signed)

JUAN GREGORIO DE LAS HERAS.
MANUEL JOSE GARCIA.

MEXICO:

ADDRESS OF HIS EXCELLENCY GUADALUPE VICTORIA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO, TO THE SOVEREIGN CONSTITUENT CONGRESS GENERAL, UPON TAKING THE OATH REQUIRED BY THE 101st ARTICLE OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Sir, I this day approach the sanctuary of the laws, guided by a holy and religious respect for the will of my fellow-citizens, I am irresolute, fearing for the interests of my country, and impressed with the many obligations which I owe her, considering that the least deserving Mexican is called to the first and most important public charge of a great, illustrious, and generous people.

I had the happiness of seeing liberty established-of seeing the ultimate success and redemption of my country. Long since have I had in view the illustrious patriots, who, with their blood, their talents, and their sufferings, broke the chain of three centu ries, thereby bringing into existence an heroic nation, and leaving to posterity their glory, their name, and their example. These men ever followed the path of virtue-they were ever the objects of my veneration and regard-and I considered them entitled, by justice and gratitude, to preside over the republic. Far from depreciating the character of these heroes, whose great services secured them the love of their country, I did justice to their merit, and admired their talents, so well calculated for administration.

Obeying, as I always have until now, the voice of the law, which comes from the representatives of a free nation, I was ready to suffer even death in defence of the virtuous Mexican elected by our votes and hearts. If the remembrance of the unalterable constancy with which I always maintained our national dignity is pleasing; also, of the sacrifices (small indeed) which I made in the best of causes; I will say, that my most ardent wish always has been to mark my character and political faith with submission VOL. II. No. 4.

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