but the limitations of power set upon ourselves by ourselves, the exercising of power with moderation is to bring the greatest potentiality to the exercise of whatever power we have.

We find autocratic governments of the world in which power and absolute power is vested, and yet let at any time the autocratic power be exercised to such an extent as will outrage the sense of those governed and even autocracies are overturned. There is in the human breast a willingness to do the right thing. There is in the makeup of man that feature-and thank goodness it is implanted there—that when men feel there is a power attempted to be exercised over them, that compulsion, that coercion are attempted upon them, a feeling of repugnance and resentment arises, and as a result we find that when asked within reason to do anything, when they are asked and persuaded that thus and so are the right courses to pursue, they will gladly yield in most instances. But you tell a man to do the same thing, and accompany the command with the coercive threat, and say, "Unless you do thus and so we will mete out to you a punishment that will directly affect you and yours," the likelihood is that he and his associates will find the very earliest opportunity not only to resent it, but to follow the course directly opposed.

Let me say to you in all candor-I have said it upon occasions, not in public, I think, but this is an open meeting and I am willing to say it now in public-that for more than a year and up to the close of the convention of the A. F. of L. I had grave misgivings as to the fate of our organized labor movement. You know that I have been associated with the organized labor movement for more than forty years; you know that I was one of those who participated in the convention which formed the A. F. of L. in Pittsburgh in 1881. You know, I think, that I may say without any appearance of vanity or vainglory, that I have been a strong and staunch adherent of the A. F. of L., and that I have tried to give some service to it; that I have tried to help in the organized labor movment, to extend its growth and its power and its influence, and that if any men had faith in its growth and permanency that I was one among them.

But I say to you again that with the

tension that has grown up there was something sure to break. The alternative was presented that we would come to the point where our Departments and our international unions would be guaranteed their rightful position in the labor movement; that the international unions, the fundamental sovereigns and sovereignties of the organized labor movement, both in the Departments and the Federation itself, were to be guaranteed their rights, or else as sure as the sun rose and set the fate of the A. F. of L. would be sealed.

And, as I say, I almost despaired, and that opinion was shared with me by the active men in the labor movement of our country. Believe me when I say that the propositions changing and modifying the laws of the Departments and their relations to the international unions and the A. F. of L. were not the result of hasty, ill-considered action. Month after month, aye, for years, this question was in the minds of our men, and hour after hour of the meetings of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. was devoted to discussion and thought of this matter. Conferences were held with the representatives of the Departments, conferences with the representatives of the international unions, all of them with the purpose of impregnating the minds of us all with the idea that there must be some easing up.

The E. C. of the A. F. of L. during the past year selected a committee composed of Brother James Duncan, Secretary Morrison and myself. We gave day after day to the consideration of the subject, then reported to the E. C. of the A. F. of L., and the matter as considered and proposed by the Council was reported to our Philadelphia Convention. In the convention it was referred to a committee and the report, modified by experience and immediate. needs, was adopted by unanimous vote of the convention. I am glad, Mr. President, glad beyond expression and words, to be informed that your convention adopted, by unanimous vote, the proposition of Article XV of the constitution of the A. F. of L. relating to the Department. It does you credit as union men, as intelligent union men, as men who have the understanding of the responsibilities resting upon them and of the great future in store for your Department and for our movement generally.

Let me say this: that I have no more

doubt now of the permanency of the Department; I have no more doubt now of the permanency and the perpetuity and the constant growth and success of the Departments of our Federation than I have a doubt of the universality of mankind. I haven't the slightest doubt in expressing the thought that under the new conditions the organization of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners will, in the very near future, reaffiliate where it rightfully belongs in the Building Trades Department; I haven't the slightest doubt that under the new declaration of purposes and laws governing the A. F. of L., organizations of labor bona fide in character that should be with our movement, will soon be knocking at our doors. I feel confident that, as Philadelphia conventions of our Federation, first in Donaldson Hall and second in Independence Hall, each witnessed a growth in the development and expression of the American labor movement, so will the recent convention of the A. F. of L., and the convention of this Building Trades Department mark a new era of growth and development and power for the benefit and advantage, not only of our movement, but of every man and woman who toils, and will bring hope and comfort to the children of our time.

I said at the outset that I would not take up much of your time. Perhaps I have already trespassed beyond what I should have done, but I desire to say to you, Mr. President and gentlemen, from the bottom of my heart I extend congratulations to you upon the splendid position you have taken and the new relations of amity and good will which have been brought about, and for the future of your sessions that the same harmony will prevail. There will be a clash of opinion and judgment, but there will be no longer that clash of feeling among the men who ought to be brothers in this great uplift work.

Your officers know, and I am very glad so to testify, that during the year that is between conventions we meet frequently as much as twice a week. That does not occur always, but we have practically joint E. C. meetings, we have conference meetings, and there go over the interests which affect the working people of our country and our times. And these

conferences are of great advantage. I shall want to enjoy the privilege, at least for this coming year, to meet with the officers and representatives of your Department as well as other Departments. We shall try to work out a law or a bill governing the hours of labor as affecting the government employes and those who do work for government through contractors and sub-contractors; and inasmuch as we have had the experience of misinterpretation of eight-hour laws in the past, interpretations by attorneys-general who, by the aid of the most improved microscope found a comma in the wrong place and thereby gave the narrowest interpretation of the eight-hour law because of the comma rather than the broad interpretation of the law, we propose to co-operate with your officers, and they with us, to see whether we can not get an interpretation of the eight-hour law as it was designed, as we know it was really meant to be; or, if we can not, we are going to see if we can not get a bill enacted into law that shall mean eight hours, as the present law was intended by its designers and promoters.

And we shall do everything in our power without stint and without limit to try to bring about a greater growth of our labor movement, even a greater respect for it than is now entertained, and a greater confidence in it and a greater hope for it and its purposes. And in that work I am sure we shall be able to count upon the support, the active, enthusiastic support, of not only the officers of our international unions and not only the delegates to this convention, but the union man at home working at his trade or calling who realizes the benefit and advantage that the organized labor movement has been to him and his, and upon whom, after all, the success and the permanency of our movement depends, to bring home the cheering words of encouragement and hope to our fellowworkers and fellow-citizens, which is the mission of the delegates to this convention.

And as we are going from our convention to our homes, in behalf of the A. F. of L. and its great rank and file, I thank you for the courtesy of your attention, and wish you permanent, constant, growing success and power, and with it the wisdom with which that power shall be used in the interest of our common humanity.