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would make national relations embody the highest concepts of rational con

duct and justice.

These resolutions all proposed definite plans of action that the welfare of the masses of the people may be impressed upon those who have in their hands diplomatic power. In addition to the endorsement of the Executive Council's report upon international war and peace was the unanimous adoption of Resolution No. 104, the full text of which is as follows:

WHEREAS, The whole civilized world is torn by the awful titantic struggle which is now devastating continental Europe, disturbing the commercial and industrial conditions of the whole world, submerging the nations of Europe in the shadows and horrors of war, touching sharply our sympathy and stirring the depths of our emotion; and

WHEREAS, All history has proved that trial by conflict does not result in permanent peace when it does not establish justice as its foundation, while peace promotes the establishment of those agencies which seek to regulate the relations between men that justice may prevail; and

WHEREAS, Political experience shows that the welfare and the interests of all the people are promoted in proportion as they are represented in the government and the government is responsive and responsible to them, it is necessary that the workers have a will and an effective voice in determining international relations; and

WHEREAS, The workers of every age have had special and imperative reasons for advocating and endeavoring to secure provisions insuring the maintenance of peace with justice, since upon them fall the burdens of actual warfare and the real fighting in the ranks, while the hardships and the suffering accompanying war and following it are felt most keenly and most palpably by them and those dependent upon them, and the costs of war ever fall disproportionately upon their already inadequate resources; and

WHEREAS, The workers of all countries have been leaders in protesting against injury and violence to human life in peace as well as in war, and against the cruelty and the waste of needless war, and they have steadfastly endeavored to rouse the general public to realize the enormity of war, thereby rendering public opinion alert and sensitive to the responsibility of all men for the existence of war, and, moreover, the workers have been inspired to assist in constructive movements for the prevention of wars whereby peace may be maintained with justice; and

WHEREAS, The organized wage workers of the civilized nations have established fraternal relations for the purpose of binding together the trade unions of all countries for the promotion of common interests and ideals, and by frequent and regular communication, co-operation and exchange of representatives have brought about an understanding and sympathy between the organization and their members in the various countries, relations which are necessary for the inception and the continuance of peace; and

WHEREAS, Out of the experience of these workers, out of their burdenbearing and their wrongs, out of their hopes and their victories, have developed principles of justice and the conviction that the establishment of these principles as practical forces in the lives of the workers is conditioned upon establishing dependable representative agencies for the realization of purposes and agreements determined upon; therefore, be it

Resolved, That we, the delegates of the organized labor movement of America, express and hereby convey to the organized labor movements of Europe fraternal greetings and our sympathy with their great suffering and distress, and that we express our most earnest hope for the early cessation of the terrible warfare now desolating the lands, destroying the families and impoverishing the nations of our fellow-workers; and be it further

Resolved, That we desire that fraternal relations between national labor movements shall continue with no more interruption than shall be absolutely unavoidable during the war, to the end that our regular intercourse and co-operation shall be resumed immediately at the close of the war; and be it further

Resolved, That the convention of the A. F. of L., in view of the general Peace Congress which no doubt will be held at the close of the war, for the purpose of adjusting claims and differences, hold itself in readiness and authorize the E. C. to call a meeting of representatives of organized labor of the different nations to meet at the same time and place, to the end that suggestions may be made and such action taken as shall be helpful in restoring fraternal relations, protecting the interests of the toilers and thereby assisting in laying foundations for a more lasting peace; and be it further

Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be sent to the International Federation of Trade Unions, to all national trade union centers throughout the world and to the President of the United States.

In compliance with the instructions these resolutions have already been transmitted to the trade union centers of all countries affiliated to the International Federation of Trade Unions, and to the International Federation of Trade Unions. This was done to obtain official views upon the practicability, the wisdom of the proposition for holding a conference as urged by the resolutions. It is the earnest hope of America's workers that the terrible conflict may be ended soon, and ending, effect the establishment of permanent international peace based upon principles of justice, freedom and democracy.

SHALL HUMANE
LAWS BE SUS-
PENDED FOR
BUSINESS

The right to suspend laws was one of the claims of the Stuart despots. England settled that claim by cutting off the head which conceived the idea. Now arises a modern descendant of that school of politics. His application is slightly modified to suit modern political machinery but his purpose is equally pernicious. He would merely head a raid against the laws enacted for the protection of human life and health in order that manufacturers may be enabled to fill orders for business from Europe in this time of trouble.

Governor Walsh of Massachusetts naively proposes that the legislature pass an emergency labor law suspending temporarily sections of the state labor regulations in order that production may keep pace with enormously increased orders from Europe. To this end he proposes to "suspend" the child labor law, the law relating to over-time and the fifty-four hours a week limitation for women and children. In order to get "business" he proposes to "suspend" the standards of modern civilization and the enlightened conscience of the Commonwealth. He proposes to suspend appreciation of the value of human life, to suspend understanding of the effects of fatigue upon the human body and mind, to suspend the conviction that the most foolish, spendthrift policy a nation can pursue is to subordinate human welfare to any consideration. Nor will "temporarily" redeem the proposal. Can this modern advocate of suspension likewise suspend the injury to growing children by denying them the right to free, healthy growth and development? Can he

suspend the corroding sense of injustice to those who must look back to formative years spent in factory work and bitterly think, It might have been?

We live but a few brief years and we can not afford to suspend our rights or opportunities for a single instant.

Let Governor Walsh advise the manufacturers to take advantage of this unprecedented opportunity through more efficient management. Let them operate their mills longer by employing two or three shifts-thus they can make up for the long period of idleness to a greater number of people.

Governor Walsh must learn the fundamental lesson of statesmanship. When he desires to build up business and to bring about real prosperity, his method must not be at the expense of the health, the development, the lives of the working people. What shall it profit the state to make deliveries of products and to weaken and waste the productive power of the people?

The working people will refuse to be the sacrifice to any prosperity— mushroom or permanent. They will refuse to permit the suspension of their rights.

THE ROCKEFELLERS

CONDEMNED
AND DOOMED

BY THEMSELVES

A free press is the great safeguard of justice. We condemn censorship of the press except for national safety-and we watch with jealousy and suspicion even that exception. The establishment of censorship of free press for national safety is always temporary and freedom of the press is established when that danger is passed. Firmer and deeper grows the conviction that secrecy harbors dangers. Yet censorship of public information is exercised by private individuals as well as governmental authorities. Testimony recently educed before the federal Commission on Industrial Relations shows how the coal operators under the leadership of John D. Rockefeller corrupted the very springs of public opinion and disseminated misinformation in regard to the striking miners of Colorado. They issued a certain series of bulletins labeled: Facts Concerning the Struggle in Colorado for Industrial Freedom.

Mr. J. F. Welborn, president of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, and acting representative for the Standard Oil Company, asserted that these bulletins were written by a person connected with the Pennsylvania Railroad Company who went to Colorado for that express purpose. Mr. Welborn acknowledged that many of the statements were based upon unverified newspaper accounts and that he was totally unable to substantiate others.

Yet these bulletins were sent broadcast through the land under the title'Facts." Special care was taken that they should be mailed to writers, educators, publicists-those most instrumental in molding public opinion.

The storm of public condemnation upon this revelation forced the Rockefellers upon the defensive. In a few days they issued a "statement" of the funds of the Rockefeller Foundation. That Foundation has not escaped the fire of general condemnation. Why should one of the most powerful research institutions in the world be financed by private moneys and private

boards, and its financial interests identified with those of ruthless exploiting corporations? Can the researches and the spirit of an institution under the domination of the Standard Oil billions be that of search for truths regardless of all else search for absolute truths?

When the Rockefeller Foundation was first established, we published in the April, 1910, issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST, a protest against Mr. Rockefeller's broad, comprehensive scheme, objecting to any man's attempting to establish himself as a sort of all-seeing Providence to provide for present and future generations. Organized labor protested against granting a federal charter to increase and perpetuate Mr. Rockefeller's power over the educational forces and thought of the nation and the world.

However, the foundation was established. The insidious influences and corruption which organized labor feared developed. Last summer it was revealed that over 600 nominally government employes were on the pay-rolls of the Rockefeller Foundation.

Because of the way they were made the Rockefeller millions carry suspicion with them for whatever purpose they are used. Publicity to all such relations is necessary for the protection of public opinion. The bulletins intended to create prejudice against the miners have brought additional discredit upon those who managed the fight of the operators to defeat the strike-discredit because of unscrupulous methods and dissemination of falsehoods.

ECONOMIC
ORGANIZATION
AND EIGHT-
HOUR DAY

All workers and humanitarians agree as to the desirability and necessity of a shorter workday; difference of opinion arises only as to method. Industrial purposes may be gained in two ways-by independent private action or by official general action. The method chosen depends upon the nature of the problem and the conditions to be dealt with. In matters concerning their welfare the workers have found by experience that they are best judges of their own needs and welfare; they have learned to treasure, as a priceless heritage, personal freedom, the right to direct their own actions, the right to seek their own welfare. The control over contractual relations is the key to industrial liberty. It is generally conceded that under present industrial conditions workers secure this liberty only through collective effort. This is the purpose of the trade union. The trade union is a voluntary organization, responsive to the changing needs and demands of the workers. It is an agent of greatest flexibility and adjustability, enabling the workers to take opportunist advantages of all developments. It is an agency that permits of direct speedy action. When control over personal freedom is entrusted to an outside authority, limitations are placed upon personal liberty. After conditions are once established changes can be made only by indirect action through third parties. All of the rigidity that obtains in law militates against change. Now the organization of industry is so delicate and so flexible that rigidity of agents would deprive workers of many possible benefits. Experience has demonstrated this. The history of all attempts to fix hours of labor or wages

by laws, maximum or minimum, for the workers generally, shows that they resulted in shackling the workers with bonds that had to be broken before further progress could be made.

Then again an eight-hour day established by law is enforced by governmental agents. Their welfare is taken from under their immediate control, and if not well administered, control can be regained only by prolonged effort and indirect methods. It has been demonstrated that governmental officers perform their duties in a spirit which general opinion demands. Enforcement of labor legislation depends upon the effective force of organized opinion among the workers, which in turn depends upon economic organization. Now, it has been demonstrated that when the achievement of economic ends is entrusted to governmental agents, economic organization is weakened. So proceeds the vicious circle that saps the strength and vitality of the only dependable protection for the toilers.

Some trades have established the eight-hour day by legislation. The miners of Missouri did, and their organization has dwindled away and the spirit of progress has departed with it. The miners of Colorado assert that there is an eight-hour law on the statute books of Colorado-but there was no eight-hour day in the mines. Economic action forced that law upon the attention of the state authorities. Civil war compelled the American people to realize that legislative enactment does not automatically establish the reality.

Whether a law is enacted by direct legislation of the people or by their representatives, the nature of legislation does not change. Legislation is not reformatory but depends for its effectiveness upon some outside force. The trade union movement has found that in the case of men working for private employers the force of the economic power can operate most effectively through their economic organizations.

The A. F. of L. has been the champion of the shorter workday during the past thirty-four years. Since its organization in 1881, it has consistently and unceasingly advocated an eight-hour workday. At its second convention it adopted an eight-hour declaration. The convention of 1884 adopted the following, which was part of the annnal report of the Secretary of the Legislative Committee, then the Executive of the A. F. of L:

"It appears to be the generally expressed desire of the societies represented in this Federation, that it assume the initiative in a national movement for the reduction of the hours of labor. Sporadic attempts of individual trades in certain localities have met with varying degrees of success, but there is little doubt that a universal, centrally directed advance would prove both practical and triumphant. To formulate the machinery for this attempt requires your deepest thought This much has been determined by the history of the national eight-hour law-it is useless to wait for legislation in this matter In the world of economic reform the working classes must depend upon themselves for the enforcement of measures as well as for their conception. A united demand for a shorter working day, backed by thorough organization, will prove vastly more effective than the enactment of a thousand laws depending for enforcement upon the pleasure of aspiring politicians or sycophantic department officials."

This has been the policy of the Federation in regard to regulating the working hours of men in private industries. For regulating the working hours of women, children, and adult male workers in government employ, or in occu

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