FROM THE ATLANTIC TO THE PACIFIC

In this department is presented a comprehensive review of industrial conditions throughout the country.

This includes:

A statement by American Federation of Labor general and local organizers of labor conditions in their vicinity.

Increases in wages, reduction of hours, or improved conditions gained without strikes.

Work done for union labels.

Unions organized during the last month.

City ordinances or state laws passed favorable to labor.

Strikes or lockouts; causes, results.

A report of this sort is rather a formidable task when it is remembered that nearly 1,000 of the organizers are volunteers, doing the organizing work and writing their reports after the day's toil is finished in factory, mill or mine.

The matter herewith presented is valuable to all who take an intelligent interest in the industrial development of the country. It is accurate, varied and comprehensive. The information comes from those familiar with the conditions of which they write.

These organizers are themselves wage-workers. They participate in the struggles of the people for better conditions, help to win the victories, aid in securing legislation-in short, do the thousand and one things that go to round out the practical labor movement.

Through an exchange of views in this department the wage-workers in various sections of the country and the manifold branches of trade are kept in close touch with each other.

Taken in connection with the reports from secretaries of international unions, this department gives

a luminous vision of industrial advancement throughout the country.

WALSH,
A GREAT
TRIBUNE

When the Congress of the United States authorized the creation of a Commission on Industrial Relations, to inquire into the causes of industrial unrest, it put upon that Commission responsibilities for a stupendous undertaking. Now investigation has become a modern expedient for relieving enlightened consciences from an unpleasant feeling of responsibility, while the investigation under "wise," judicial guidance steered safely past undesirable conclusion and entangling relations. Investigations were generally regarded as harmless intellectual and ethical calisthenics. Occasionally they were enlivened by "sensational" developments-always affecting the workers. Experienced and safe commissioners knew how to avoid fundamental issues or matters that vitally concerned existing conditions.

As the hearings of the Commission on Industrial Relations were held in many sections of the country, the nature of its work and the caliber of its members became apparent; it became evident that members of the commission really intended to conduct an investigation into the underlying causes of industrial unrest; that they were ignoring conventional platitudes; that they wanted facts and that they were impatient of repres: sion, evasion or misrepresentation.

The nation was aroused to interest in this new kind of commission that took seriously its mission to investigate.

But even this commission, in the brief period for which it was created, could not inquire into all conditions causing industrial unrest; it could only throw the light of general information upon a few serious situations. There is no situation more potential for industrial injustice and all the wrong attending arbitrary power than that which has obtained in Colorado for years. It was fitting that the commission devote much time to consideration of the recent strike in the coal fields of Colorado. All the factors concerned, the persons involved, the principles at issue, were fundamental in importance, and of absorbing interest and potential influences. The miners were helpless victims of exploitation-foreigners unaware of their rights and power, reduced to serf-like relations through the monopoly power and privileges exercised by the mine owners. The richest man in the world was concerned in the policies and conditions that took from other men industrial and political rights and freedom, and even their lives.

The hearings of the Industrial Relations Commission brought out in strong relief these great contrasts between individuals who as human beings revealed no natural causes for the great irregularities.

In the early hearings, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., tried to establish for himself a normal and intellectual alibi for responsibility for industrial injustice and destruction of life in Colorado. He assumed the exalted ground of the "champion for a great principle." But when proof from his own office developed that shattered Mr. Rockefeller's alibi, the commission under the fearless leadership of its chairman still continued an honest inquiry into the causes of industrial unrest. Then the forces of opposition gathered; all of the agencies in the control of great wealth were brought to bear upon the chairman Frank P. Walsh to restrain him from "injudicious" investiga

tion into matters that might locate responsibility. But Frank P. Walsh · remained steadfast in his simple interpretation of his duty-to investigate the causes of industrial unrest.

To the last day of the hearings that purpose and the policy remained unaltered; that honest, fearless leadership performed a great service for those denied justice.

Because Frank P. Walsh refused to be turned from the purpose of the investigation, because he did not yield to the great pressure brought to bear upon him, because he refused to permit subterfuge, evasion, repression, technical quibbling to deter him from obtaining information which he with his associates was commissioned to obtain, he was subjected to as grilling criticism as the dollar-wise press has ever directed against a single individual.

But Frank P. Walsh remained the staunch unwavering seeker of justice and truths. He has performed a great and worthy service for those who toilwork that can not fail of constructive results, though even now corrupting influences are at work trying to poison the sources of information and to discredit in advance future statements and recommendations in which Mr. Walsh may participate. Perhaps one of the most significant developments of the Washington hearing was the concerted, deliberate, persistent efforts on the part of all witnesses for the Rockefeller interests to create the impression that they were unfairly treated.

The masses of the people are not deceived-they know the power of great wealth and they value rightly the courage, the character and the services of Frank P. Walsh. The great service Mr. Walsh has already rendered to not only the working people, but to all our people-to the Republic itself, will live and receive the highest commendation long after the dollar-loving dominating influences which seem now so potent in the affairs of our country have been eliminated.

"The most powerful single force to effect social justice in Colorado is the

SYCOPHANCY

AND

CALLOUSNESS

conscience of young Mr. Rockefeller." Thus spake SIR Mackenzie King. And those listening to the words of the smug, self-confident Canadian baronet fairly gasped at the keen shock-an agent of the Rockefeller interests had declared what all had surmised. But this self-acclaimed labor expert remained unperturbed.

For days Chairman Walsh of the Commission on Industrial Relations had been probing for the conscience of young Mr. Rockefeler-had been seeking to cut through technicalities, mechanical routine and the impersonal conduct of corporation business, in an effort to touch and establish the personal relations that entail personal responsibility. But young Mr. Rockefeller was evasive, non-committal, cryptic; he was punctiliously precise as to immaterial details; in phraseology he was as fastidious as a hair-splitting scholastic; he cheerfully endorsed principles but either denied their application or refused to commit himself. Except when compelled by the Chairman of the Commission his replies were perfectly true, perfectly general, perfectly meaningless-a finished product of Wall Street diplomacy.