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Carolina, and South Carolina, within whose boundary lines it chiefly lay. In every one of these states contests occurred between this up-country and the coast. Indeed the local history of each of these colonies and states in the period from 1750 until about 1830 is perhaps dominated by the antagonisms of the up-country against tidewater. In every one the tidewater minority area, where wealth and slaves preponderated, ruled the more populous primitive interior counties by apportionment of the legislatures so as to secure the effective majority of the representatives. Unjustly taxed, deprived of due participation in government, their rights neglected, they protested, vainly for the most part, in each of these colonies and states. But all this long struggle of a section with definite social and economic unity and separate interests, and with enduring influences upon the history of the interior, must be worked out from fragments in the monographic treatment of the individual states. A whole section was engaged for nearly three generations in a struggle for its interests. Since the section acted in separate states the movement was obscured. But it was the existence of this section that gave Jefferson his power. It produced the men themselves, or the ancestors of Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, and Abraham Lincoln, and gave to them the traits and the following that made possible their career and their contributions. We can infer the influence of the section as we see the towns for retail trade develop along the fall line at the edge of the Piedmont, gradually relieving the country from direct commercial colonial bondage to England. We note its increasing political power, by such evidences as the advance of the capitals to its eastern edge, as that of Virginia's from Williamsburg to Richmond in 1779; South Carolina's to Columbia in 1790; North Carolina's to Raleigh in 1791, Pennsylvania's to Lancaster in 1799 and to Harrisburg in 1812. From the Piedmont came the men who demanded statehood for the western settlements in the Revolution, basing their demand on the antagonism between their interests and those of the coast.2

'Compare the author's paper on "Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era," American Historical Review, Vol. I, pp. 70, 251.

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PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN OHIO, INDIANA, AND ILLINOIS, 1856, 1868, 1888, and 1900.

The Democratic counties are shown in black, the Republican in white.

Map A shows in black the settled area of Illinois at the close of the period of southern settlement; it shows also that the South occupied the forested area leaving the prairies to be taken by the northern settlers.

Map B shows the Free Soil vote in 1844 after the northern stream began to flow. The area shown is that where the vote was 1 per cent. or more of the total vote. Map C shows the location of the Western (or Connecticut) Reserve in Ohio, a New England area, consistently Republican.

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NOTE. Reproduced from article by Professor U. B. Phillips, in American Historical Review, XI, 810. The shaded areas show where the negro equaled or outnumbered the whites; in the darkest they were 75 per cent. of the total population. The sketch map of Georgia at the side shows: (A) Northern Georgia, grain raising; (B) Cotton Belt; (C) Pine Barrens, mixed agriculture; (D) Coast, raising sea-island cotton and rice. See Report of American Historical Association, 1901, II. 140. Compare Plate V, post.

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