СНАР.
XIII.

New form

stration,

two Au

two Cx

fars.

Oftentation was the firft principle of the new system instituted by Diocletian. The fecond was of admini- divifion. He divided the empire, the provinces, and every branch of the civil as well as military gufti, and adminiftration. He multiplied the wheels of the machine of government, and rendered its operations lefs rapid but more fecure. Whatever advantages, and whatever defects might attend thefe innovations, they must be ascribed in a very great degree to the firft inventor; but as the new frame of policy was gradually improved and completed by fucceeding princes, it will be more fatisfactory to delay the confideration of it till the season of its full maturity and perfection "'. Referving, therefore, for the reign of Conftantine a more exact picture of the new empire, we shall content ourselves with defcribing the principal and decifive outline, as it was traced by the hand of Diocletian. He had affociated three colleagues in the exercise of the fupreme power; and as he was convinced that the abilities of a fingle man were inadequate to the public defence, he confidered the joint adminiftration of four princes not as a temporary expedient, but as a fundamental law of the constitution. It was his intention, that the two elder princes should be diftinguished by the use of the diadem, and the title of Augufti : that as affection or esteem might direct their choice, they should regularly call to their affiftance two fubordinate colleagues; and that the Cafars, rifing in their turn to the first rank, should fupply an uninterrupted fucceffion of emperors.

The empire was divided into four parts. The East and Italy were the most honourable, the Danube and the Rhine the most laborious ftations. The former claimed the prefence of the Augufti, the latter were intrufted to the administration of the Cafars. The ftrength of the legions was in the hands of the four partners of fovereignty, and the despair of fucceffively vanquishing four formidable rivals, might intimidate the ambition of an afpiring general. In their civil government, the emperors were fuppofed to exercife the undivided power of the monarch, and their edicts, infcribed with their joint names, were received in all the provinces, as promulgated by their mutual councils and authority. Notwithstanding these precautions, the political union of the Roman world was gradually diffolved, and a principle of divifion was introduced, which, in the course of a few years, occafioned the perpetual separation of the eastern and western empires.

СНАР.

XIII.

taxes.

The fyftem of Diocletian was accompanied with Increase of another very material disadvantage, which cannot even at present be totally overlooked; a more expensive establishment, and confequently an in, crease of taxes, and the oppreffion of the people. Instead of a modest family of slaves and freedmen, fuch as had contented the fimple greatnefs of Auguftus and Trajan, three or four magnificent courts were established in the various parts of the empire, and as many Roman kings contended with each other and with the Perfian monarch for the vain fuperiority of pomp and luxury. The

CHAP.

XIII.

رو

دو

number of minifters, of magiftrates, of officers,
and of fervants, who filled the different depart-
ments of the state, was multiplied beyond the
example of former times; and (if we may borrow
the warm expreffion of a contemporary), when
the proportion of those who received, exceeded
the proportion of those who contributed, the
provinces were oppreffed by the weight of tri-
104
butes From this period to the extinction
of the empire, it would be easy to deduce an
uninterrupted series of clamours and complaints.
According to his religion and fituation, each wri-
ter chufes either Diocletian, or Conftantine, or
Valens, or Theodofius, for the object of his in-
vectives; but they unanimously agree in repre-
fenting the burden of the public impofitions, and
particularly the land-tax and capitation, as the
intolerable and increafing grievance of their own
times. From fuch a concurrence, an impartial hif-
torian, who is obliged to extract truth from fa-
tire, as well as from panegyric, will be inclined
to divide the blame among the princes whom they
accufe, and to afcribe their exactions much less
to their personal vices, than to the uniform system
of their adminiftration. The emperor Diocletian
was indeed the author of that fyftem; but during
his reign, the growing evil was confined within
the bounds of modefty and difcretion, and he
deferves the reproach of eftablishing pernicious
precedents, rather than of exercising actual op-
preffion . It may be added, that his revenues
were managed with prudent economy; and that

after all the current expences were discharged, CHAP. there ftill remained in the Imperial treafury an XIII. ample provision either for judicious liberality or for any emergency of the ftate.

106

It was in the twenty-first year of his reign that Diocletian executed his memorable resolution of abdicating the empire; an action more naturally to have been expected from the elder or the younger Antoninus, than from a prince who had never practifed the leffons of philofophy either in the attainment or in the ufe of fupreme power. Diocletian acquired the glory of giving to the world the first example of a refignation which has not been very frequently imitated by fucceeding monarchs. The parallel of Charles the Fifth, however, will naturally offer itself to our mind, not only fince the eloquence of a modern hiftorian has rendered that name fo familiar to an English reader, but from the very ftriking refemblance between the characters of the two emperors, whofe political abilities were fuperior to their military genius, and whofe fpecious virtues were much less the effect of nature than of art. The abdication of Charles appears to have been haftened by the viciffitude of fortune; and the disappointment of his favourite schemes urged him to relinquish a power which he found inadequate to his ambition. But the reign of Diocletian had flowed with a tide of uninterrupted fuccefs; nor was it till after he had vanquished all his enemies, and accomplished all his defigns, that he seems to have entertained any ferious thoughts of refign

XIII.

CHAP. ing the empire. Neither Charles nor Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life; fince the one was only fifty-five, and the other was no more than fifty-nine years of age; but the active life of those princes, their wars and journies, the cares of royalty, and their application to business, had already impaired their conftitution, and brought on the infirmities of a premature old age

A. D. 304. Long illnels of Diocletian.

107

Notwithstanding the feverity of a very cold and rainy winter, Diocletian left Italy foon after the ceremony of his triumph, and began his progrefs towards the Eaft round the circuit of the Illyrian provinces. From the inclemency of the weather, and the fatigue of the journey, he foon contracted a slow illness; and though he made eafy marches, and was generally carried in a clofe litter, his disorder, before he arrived at Nicomedia, about the end of the fummer, was become very serious and alarming. During the whole winter he was confined to his palace; his danger infpired a general and unaffected concern; but the people could only judge of the various alterations of his health, from the joy or confternation which they difcovered in the countenances and behaviour of his attendants. The rumour of his death was for fome time universally believed, and it was fuppofed to be concealed, with a view to prevent the troubles that might have happened during the absence of the Cæfar Galerius. At length, however, on the firft of March, Diocletian once more appeared in public, but fo