comes a menace to the workers of our land. There in the Far East free labor must again fight the battles for human freedom and liberty. The trade union movement of America must take up the duty incumbent upon it and lead in this struggle for all the workers under the American republic. (p. 317) Convention concurred in a protest by the cigarmakers against the competition of Öriental handworkers in that trade in the Philippines, as citizens of this country could not successfully compete with their products imported into the U. S. It also declared that nothing in the protest should be considered of benefit to a protective tariff, low tariff, a tariff for revenue only or any kind of tariff, but an indorsement of the complaint of the cigarmakers against the cheapest labor in the world. Philippines (1903, p. 174) Objection made to recommendation of the governor of the Philippines that a limited number of Mongolian laborers be admitted into those islands for a limited period: "We submit that such would be a system of peonage or compulsory labor against which we most emphatically protest, regardless of whether the laborer be white, black or yellow."' Phillips, Wendell-(1910, p. 301) Urged all trades unionists to celebrate November 20, the 100th anniversary of the birth of Wendell Phillips, the greatest of world's agitators and reformers, which had been studiously ignored by the plutocratically controlled institutions and publications of our country. Photo-Engravers in England (1906, p. 175) Suggested to fraternal delegates from Great Britain that on their return home they cooperate with the Photo-Engravers' Union of North America to organize the photo-engravers of Great Britain and Ire land. Physical Examinations-(1914, p. 83) Executive Council reported all physical exami nations for civil service positions in the navy yard requiring exceptional physical energy would be conducted in future by army surgeons and no charge made to the applicant. Approved Executive Council's efforts to prevent any unfair and arbitrary use of the physical examination of government employes in navy yards and arsenals. Pilots, Law Permits Incompetent (1911. p. 270) Law enacted governing operation of steamers of 65 feet permits employment of incompetent pilots and engineers should be repealed, as it causes hardships to licensed tugmen and crews of fishing vessels. (1916, p. 100) All designing efforts to repeal compulsory pilotage laws, which protect the lives of passengers and property in transit to our ports, were successfully thwarted. Plate Printers' Law-(1899, p. 14) Bill for protection of plate printers indorsed by 1888 convention made a law by Congress and work of Bureau of Engraving had been more economically produced than in any previous year. Policemen's Unions (1897. p. 43) Cleve land policemen refused a charter because "it is not within the province of the trade union movement to specially organize policem'en any more than militiamen, as both policemen and militiamen are too often controlled by forces inimical to the labor move ment. (1917, p. 394) Executive Council was directed to dispose of such applications for charters "as it deems best to promote the interests of all concerned."' Police Power of the State (1914, pp. 101-493) The action of 1913 (p. 68) was rescinded. Convention had recommended this clause for state constitution: "Laws must be passed by the legislature fixing the maximum hours of labor and providing for the comfort, health, safety and general welfare of all employed. No provision of the constitution shall impair or limit this power." The 1914 convention declared: "We proposed a constitutional amendment to safeguard all legislation intended for the general welfare of all employes. Having given this proposal further consideration we are of the opinion that this proposal as limited to the general welfare of employes does not comprehend the enactment of laws of general welfare to all our people, and that if this constitutional proposal is enacted it may afford the judiciary an opportunity to declare laws of general welfare unconstitutional, and as limiting what is commonly known as the "police power of the state." Also recognizing the fact that all social legislation intended to promote the economic welfare of the workers depends ultimately upon a quickened and alert conscience of our people to the necessity of proposed social legislation, we recommend instead a thorough investigation into all conditions of employment of the workers, a careful observation of such employment upon the comfort, health, safety and general welfare of the workers to the end that by such investigations and observations we may arouse and establish an atmosphere and public conscience as will compel our judiciary to recognize and decide such legislation as being of general welfare to all our people and as coming properly within the police power of the state." Political and Economic Rights-(1905, p. 115) All public and quasi-public employes are entitled to and will receive the aid and support of A. F. of L. in the fullest exercise of the right to organize for political and economic purposes. These employes maintain all rights of citizenship. Reaffirmed in 1918 (pp. 245, 273). and Political Fads and Visions-(1912, p. 13) In spite of many alluring proposals, many new prophets proclaiming, "Lol here,' "Lo! there," the A. F. of L. has ever cleaved to the old and tried fundamental propositions upon which we have builded our organization. We have not been deluded by fads or impractical visions, but have ever examined each new one to see whether an it contained that one essential qualityfurtherance of human welfare. We have been wedded to the cause and to the movement for the protection, development, and advancement of the people. We have ever endeavored to maintain an alertness, awareness of the needs and tendencies of the times that members of our organizations and our fellow workers might profit thereby. In the political field we have taken advantage of every opportunity, and often created opportunities, which, in a fair degree, promised tangible results in the interests of the workers, the masses of our people. In our movement the political methods and instrumentalities are of less consequence than the attainment of the objects which we seek. There has been no factor in all our land so achieve its just rights through the exercise of its political powers. (p. 16) Convention urged a most generous support to the independent political movement of the working. men. Time has arrived when working people should decide on the necessity of united action as citizens at the ballot box. (1889, p. 23) Refused to energetically as sist in the formation of a political labor party, which required formation of Federal Labor Unions in each assembly district. Would make a political labor movement distinct from A. F. of L. effective in establishing the initiative and Political Program, Labor's (1881, p. 4) Plank 13 of the first platform recommended all trades and labor organizations secure "proper representation in all law-making bodies by means of the ballot, and to use all honorable measures by which this result (p. 24) Legislative can be accomplished.' committee forbade any member from publicly advocating the claims of any of the political parties. (1882, p. 9) Efforts to have the Speaker of the House appoint a Committee of Labor from a list of representatives selected by labor was not accorded even the cour (p. 10) Many tesy of acknowledgment. friends of labor had been elected and several hostile officeholders defeated by the united (p. 19) strength of the trade unionists. The Federation was warned that industrial not political unity was the prime object to as "Let us union be attained. men work in harmony for those issues we comprehend and on which we are fully agreed, and ig(p. nore all questions likely to divide us." 20) As the representatives of organized labor of the U. S., in order to shake off and counteract the oppressive exactions of an oligarchy now threatening the existence of democratic government, we hereby declare the men and open political resistance measures now holding our lives and thoughts in subjection." to our (1884, p. 17) It is the imperative duty of all trade unionists to work and vote for have candidates for the legislature who proved themselves true friends of labor. (1885, p. 17) Refused to adopt resolution declaring for a workingmen's political party with union men (p. as candidates. 19) Condemned system of employment in government printing office based on political opinion instead of merit and instructed offi cers to bring it to the attention of the president. (p. 20) Urged Speaker to select a Committee on Labor from fourteen names submitted. (1886, p. 8) Organized labor should per sist in its efforts to the end that labor may (1890, pp. 12-21-23) Refused to seat delegate from a central body not chartered by the A. F. of L. and having in its membership delegates from the socialist party. (1891, p. 15) In explanation of the action of the 1890 convention this declaration was are "Our affiliated unions guaran If they teed autonomy and independence. deem independent political action advisable, or if they desire to take political action by which to pledge candidates for public office, to stand by the advocates of labor measures and reward them, or to punish at the polls those who are inimical to their interests, these are matters entirely relegated to each organization without dictation or hindrance. What the convention declared was that a political party as a party, known by any name, has no right to representation in the trade union councils. At the last convention we took the ground that the trade unions were broad enough and liberal enough to admit all shades of opinion upon the We economic, political and social questions. reiterate that statement, and accentuate it with whatever force or ability may be at our command, and repeat, that good stand. ing membership in a trade union is the first qualification to a voice in the councils of the trade union movement.' (p. 40) Indorsed action of the Executive Council in refusing to send delegates to political conferences in Washington and Cincinnati, adding: "We declare in favor of remaining steadfast to its avowed principle that this Federation represents the trade union movement in the economic field of reform.' (1892, pp. 12-29) Shall we change our methods? Many of our earnest friends in the labor movement, having witnessed the brutal outrages of the monopolistic class and their hirelings on the toiling masses with in the past few months, have had their innermost feelings stirred and impatiently declare that a new path must be struck by the working people in order to overcome defeats and achieve victories. They look upon some of the recent defeats and predict the annihilation of the economic effort of organized labor-or the impotency of the economic organizations, the trade unionsto cope with the great power of concen. trated wealth. There are few, if any, who have given our movement any thought but who have shared the intensity of feeling caused by the brutal exhibitions referred to; but feelings often prompt action which good judgment forbids. It is not true that the economic effort has been a failure nor that the usefulness of the economic organizations is at an end. (p. 29) No great change of method on the part of this Federation of Labor is necessary to meet the new weapons of capital; but that greater effort in the direction of the improvement of the trade unions on financial lines and a more vigorous concentration of our moral force in the use of the trade labels should be made. (p. 13) They can exercise great influence to secure legislation in their interest by intelligent use of the franchise. We should rather be a unit in our demands than a political party. Upon the field of labor, like every other contest in human life, it is a matter principally of intelligence, judgment and foresight. (p. 45) Executive Council is instructed to carry on vigorous campaign of education to widen the scope of usefulness in the direction of political action, but "we wish the distinction to be made that partisan politics should not be confounded with the business of trade unions."' (p. 46) Refused to form a labor party to take independent political action. (1893, p. 12) An intelligent use of the ballot by the toilers in their own interest must largely contribute to lighten the bur dens of our economic struggles. Let us elect men from the ranks of labor to represent us in Congress and the legislatures wherever and whenever the opportunity offers. Let us never be recreant to our trust, and, regardless of political affiliations or predilections, always vote against those who are inimical to the interests of labor. (p. 87) A political program was submitted to the fererendum without recommendation. It contained as plank 10 declaration that "all the means of production and distribution should be owned by the people."' (1894, p. 14) The last convention submitted a program to affiliated unions for discussion. A number of the demands contained in that programme have been promulgated in also every trade union throughout the world, but deftly dovetailed and almost hidden there is one declaration which is not only controversial, but decidedly theoretical, and which even if founded upon economic truth, is not demonstrable, and so remote as to place ourselves and our movement in an unenviable light before our fellow-workers, and which, if our organization is committed to it, will unquestionably prevent many sterling national trade unions from joining our ranks to do battle with us to attain first things first. It is ridiculous to imagine that the wage-workers can be slaves in employment and yet achieve control at the polls. There never yet existed co-incident with each other autocracy in the shop and democracy in political life. In truth, we have not yet achieved the initial step to the control of public affairs by even a formal recognition of our unions. Nor does the preamble to the programme outline the condition of the labor movement of Great Britain accurately. In that country the organized wage workers avail themselves of every legal and practical means to obtain the legislation they demand. They endeavor to defeat those who oppose, and elect those who support, legislation in the interest of labor, and whenever opportunity affords elect a bona fide union man to Parliament and other public offices. The Parliamentary Committee of the British Trades Union Congress is a labor committee to lobby for labor legislation. This course the organized workers of America may with advan tage follow, since it is based upon experience and fraught with good results. He would indeed be shortsighted who would fail to advocate independent voting and politi cal action by union workmen. We should endeavor to do all that we possibly can to wean our fellow-workers from their affiliation with the dominant political parties, as one of the first steps necessary to insure wage-workers to vote in favor of wageworkers' interests, wage-workers' questions, and for union wage-workers as representatives. During the past year the trade unions in many localities plunged into the political arena by nominating their candidates for public office, and sad as it may be to record, it is nevertheless true, that in each one of these localities politically they were defeated and the trade union movement more or less divided and disrupted. What the results would be if such a movement were inaugu. rated under the auspices of the American Federation of Labor, involving it and all our affiliated organizations, is too portentous for contemplation. The National Labor Union, the predecessor of the American Federation of Labor, entered the so-called independent political arena in 1872 and nominated its candidate for the presidency of the United States. It is equally true that the National Labor Union never held a convention after that event. The disorganized condition of labor, with its tales of misery, deprivation and demoralization, from that year until the reorganization of the workers about 1880, must be too vivid in the minds of those who were trade unionists then and are trade unionists now to need recounting. In view of our own experience, as well as the experience of our British fellow-unionists, it would be wise to steer our ship of labor safe from that channel whose waters strewn with shattered hopes and unions destroyed. Before we can hope as a general organization to take the field by nominating candidates for office, the workers must be more thoroughly organized and better results achieved by experiments locally. A political labor movement cannot and will not succeed upon the ruins of the trade unions. (p. 36) The program presented in 1893 to the referendum was considered and amended, plank 10 being changed to a declaration for the abolition of the monopoly system of land holding and the substitution therefor a title of occupancy and use only." A motion to adopt the amended platform as a whole was then defeated. аге (1895, p. 66) We declare the A. F. of L. has no political platform. (p. 67) The 12 planks considered in 1894 were ordered published in the American Federationist as "legislature demands." (p. 79) "This convention declares that party politics, whether they be democratic, republican, socialistic, populistic, prohibition or any other, should have no place in the convention'' was made (p. 81) part of the constitution. (1896, p. 21) Few if any will contend the workers should refuse to avail themselves of their political rights or fail to endeavor to secure such demands by the exercise of their political power. Our movement distinctly draws the line between political action in the interest of labor and political party action. This was emphasized in the last convention when it was declared as the settled policy of the American labor movement that party political. action of anv kind shall have no place in the conventions of the A. F. of L. (p. 42) Refused seat to delegate who had used name of A. F. of L. in politics. (p. 75) Convention de- (1897, pp. 80-97) Indorsed national move- (1898, pp. 104 110) We hold it to be the duty of trade unionists to study and discuss all questions that have any bearing upon their industrial or political liberty, but we declare that it is not within the province of the A. F. of L. to designate to which political party a member shall belong, or (pp. for which political party he shall vote. Reaffirmed the action 97-128) taken in 1897 (p. 101) adding: The A. F. of L. reaffirms its position in regard to the use of the ballot, and recommends to its International, National and local organizations continued and increased discussion of social and economic questions as they affect wage earners in their conventions and union meetings. (1899, p. 107) A. F. of L. recommends that the various central and local bodies of labor in the U. S. take steps to use their ballots, their political power, on independent lines as enunciated in the declarations of (P. 140) principles of the A. F. of L. Candidates of any party who openly declare themselves in favor of the A. F. of L. plat form of laws shall be indorsed. (1900, pp. 132-4) We cheerfully accept, and desire, all the assistance and usefulness which may or can be given the trade union movement by all reform forces. (1901, p. 206) Refused to amend section 1. Article II, by adding: "by all wage an indeearners forming themselves into pendent political party." (pp. 234-240) The aims, desires, and aspirations of trade unionists comprise all that is necessary or possible to the well-being of the human family and in the pursuit or accomplishment of which we cheerfully accept and, in fact, desire all the assistance which can be given our movement by those reform forces which stand for the betterment of mankind. this position we are in close relationship to the greater body of socialists and with them agree, that not only should the burdens of toil be made lighter, but that each worker has an undeniable right to enjoy the full benefit of that which he or she produces. We, like them. stand for greater liberty, and are determined so to act that the futura shall be more congenial to the whole human family, and especially more bright and en In joyable to men and women bread-winners of North America, whom we directly and indirectly represent. It is true, nevertheof our claim, less, that in furtherance namely, that our principles comprise the fullest and highest scope of human activity, and from time to time will be enhanced and advanced in accordance with the demands to satisfy human needs and desires, the people we represent, the working class, hold different views on the best method of furthering the desired end, even, although, there is little difference among them as to the desirability of the position we hope to that attain. We unhesitatingly announce union the trade гергеmovement herein sented is the most practical, safe, and legitimate channel through which the working men and women of North America should not only continue to seek redress for their wrongs, but by which they can strengthen their economic position until it will control the political field, and thereby place labor in full possession of its inherent rights. We declare that since the inception of our best form of movement inquiry into the government has been its guiding motive, and will so continue while there is a high moral desire to gratify, or an injustice to correct. Our meetings, local and national, are now and always have been, free to the discussion of any legitimate economic or political question; but, on the other hand, are as equally pronounced against partisan politics, religious dissensions, or race prejudices, and as success has followed those meritorious conclusions, we would be unfaithful to the duty we owe to mankind to do other than strongly recommend a continuance of the methods, the inculcation of which means the greatest amount of safety to our movement, with the least degree of danger. conclusion, we assert it is the duty of all trade unions to publish in their official journals, to discuss in their meetings, and the members to study in their homes. all questions of public nature, having reference to industrial or political liberty, and to give special consideration to subjects directly affecting them as a class: but, we as vigorously submit that it is not within the power of this organization to dictate to members of our unions to which political party they shall belong or which party's ticket they vota. In (1902, p. 227) The Legislative Committee of the American Federation of Labor is instructed to prepare bills concerning such legislation by Congress as is desired, and especially concerning the subjects of Oriental immigration, government by injunction, eight-hour work-days and the involuntary servitude of children; that copies of these bills. when prepared, shall be sent to the executive officers of each of the state federa. tions of labor, where such federations exist, and in other cases to such persons or organizations as may be selected, with instructions in each case providing that the bills for the desired legislation shall be submitted to the county conventions of all political parties with the request for an indorsement of the same by such conventions, and instruc tions from them to their delegates and nominees to act in accordance with such indorsement that such further steps shall be taken as will secure the nomination by state conventions and the election by state legislatures of only such men for the House of Representatives and the United States Sen ate as are fully and satisfactorily pledged (1903, pp. 188-198) Ten resolutions favoring partisan political action were defeated by a vote of 11,282 to 2,147. (1904, p. 241) Refused to bar delegates Occupying a political position. (p. 204) Rejected proposition for partisan political action. (1905, p. 239) Partisan politics ruled out of order. (p. 177) All organizations affiliated with the A. F. of L.. urged to oppose the nomination and election of all candidates for Congressional and Legislative honors who have shown themselves to be unfriendly to the interests and principles of organized labor, and assist to the extent of their ability the nomination and election of candidates who are known to be friendly to labor legislation. (pp. 78-233) The systematic questioning of candidates is gaining in importance each year. More and more our state branches, central bodies and local unions are realizing the system's usefulness. It enables our people to prevent the evasion of issues by party machines, and the self interests of candidates cause them to answer favorably in most cases. And the success of organized labor's political work without are to re as LABOR'S BILL OF GRIEVANCES (1906, p 31) Much interest has been aroused regarding the active campaign inaugurated and carried on by the A. F. of L. in the recent past. Labor's opponents assumed gard our actions as an unwarranted invasion of their domain, that the working people have no right to exercise their sovereign power of citizenship to punish politically those who are hostile or indifferent to our rights and interests, or to stand in advocacy of those who have proven themselves friends and who have sympathetically sup ported the measures we deem requisite to the enactment of laws having for their purpose the abolition of inequalities and injustice and the protection and promotion of those rights to which Labor is so justly entitled. They accused us ''threatening" Congressmen with our politiof cal ill will, as though people of other interests do not advocate and support the election of those who favor those interests, and threaten with political defeat those who are opposed to them. Evidently, it is not understood that the ballot in itself is the secure We weapon with which the constitution has invested the citizen, not only to threaten, but to carry that threat into execution. are not unmindful of the fact that laws in the interests of labor have been enacted, but these have been fragmentary in character and of insufficient importance. When we contemplate the alacrity with which our Congresses respond to the demands of special interests, by the prompt granting of charters, franchises, immunities, special privileges, and special and class legislation, that are winged into enactment by legislative flights, while any measure in the interests of the toiling masses progresses as if with a leaden heel; that particularly in recent years slower progress has been made than heretofore; that the toilers appeals and petitions are treated with indifferenca and contempt, it is not surprising that the men of labor throughout our country have become impatient and have manifested that impatience. The A. F. of L. has often declared and often emphasized that as our efforts are centered against all forms of industrial slavery and economic wrong, must also direct our utmost energies to remove all forms of political servitude and party slavery, to the end that the working people may act as a unit at the polls of every election. we That the A. F. of L. most firmly and unequivocally favors the independent use of the ballot by the trade unionists and workingmen, united regardless of party, that we may elect men from our own ranks to make new laws and administer them along the lines laid down in the legislative demands of the A. F. of L., and at the same time secure an impartial judiciary that will not govern us by arbitrary injunction of the courts, nor act as the pliant tool of corporate wealthJ Frequently our conventions have voiced their sentiments, views and demands relative to labor measures and the means and methods by which to attain them. From the rank and file among the workers of our country have come impatient inquiries as to the possibility of labor legislation at the hands of Congress, and the request to know whether the time is not opportune to conduct a campaign that will impress upon the minds of those who are juggling and disregarding the legislative interests of America's workers, the necessity for a more decent regard for those rights and interests. Being disappointed at the failure to secure justice, 117 presidents or representatives of national and international unions were invited to meet the Executive Council to de. vise ways and means by which labor's position in regard to our rights and interests might be discussed and formulated. The well-known Bill of Labor's Grievances was drawn up and submitted to the President of the U. S.. President pro tempore of the Senate and Speaker of the House, as follows (p. 76): "Gentlemen: The undersigned Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, and those accompanying us in the presentation of this document, submit to you the subject matter of the grievances which the workmen of our country feel by reason of the indifferent position which the Congress of the United States has manifested toward the just, reasonable and necessary measures which have been before it these past several years, and which particularly affect the interests of the working people, as well as by |