LXV. distance of feven years 49. 2. The name of Poggius CHAP. the Italian 5 is defervedly famous among the revivers of learning in the fifteenth century. His 2. by the Italians; 52 elegant dialogue on the viciffitudes of fortune was compofed in his fiftieth year, twenty-eight years after the Turkish victory of Tamerläne 52 ; whom he celebrates as not inferior to the illuftrious Barbarians of antiquity. Of his exploits and difcipline Poggius was informed by several ocular witneffes; nor does he forget an example fo appofite to his theme as the Ottoman monarch, whom the Scythian confined like a wild beast in an iron cage, and exhibited a spectacle to Afia. I might add the authority of two Italian chronicles, perhaps of an earlier date, which would prove at least that the fame story, whether falfe or true, was imported into Europe 49 Et fut lui-meme (Bájazěť) pris, et mené en prifon, en laquelle mourut de dure mort! Memoires de Boucicault, P.i. c. 37. Thefe memoirs were compofed while the marfhal was ftill governor of Genoa, from whence he was expelled in the year 14004 1409, by a popular infurrection (Muratori, Annali d'Italia,' tom. xii. P: 473, 474.). 50 The reader will find a fatisfactory account of the life and writings of Poggius, in the Poggiana, an entertaining work of M. Lenfant, and in the Bibliotheca Latina mediæ et infimæ Ætatis of Fabricius (tom. v. p. 305-308.). Poggius was born in the year 1380, and died in 1459. si The dialogue de Varietate Fortunæ (of which a complete and elegant edition has been published at Paris in 1723, in 4to), was composed a short time before the death of pope Martin V. (p. 5), and confequently about the end of the year 1430. .... 52 See a fplendid and eloquent encomium of Tamerlane, p. 36 -39. ipfe enim novi (fays Poggius) qui fuere in ejus caftris. Regem vivum cepit, caveâque in modum feræ inclufum per omnem Afiam circumtulit egregium admirandumque fpectaculum fortunæ. VOL. XII. D with CHAP. with the first tidings of the revolution 53. LXV. 3. by the 3. At the time when Poggius flourished at Rome, Ahmed Ebn Arabshah compofed at Damascus the florid and malevolent history of Timour, for which he had collected materials in his journies over Turkey and Tartary +. Without any poffible correfpondence between the Latin and the Arabian writer, they agree in the fact of the iron cage; and their agreement is a striking proof of their common veracity. Ahmed Arabfhah likewife relates another outrage, which Bajazet endured, of a more domestic and tender nature. His indifcreet mention of women and divorces was deeply refented by the jealous Tartar: in the feast of victory, the wine was ferved by female cupbearers, and the fultan beheld his own concubines and wives confounded among the flaves, and exposed without a veil to the eyes of intemperance. To escape a similar indignity, it is said, that his fucceffors, except in a fingle inftance, have abstained from legitimate nuptials; and the Ottoman practice and belief, at leaft in the fixteenth century, is attefted by the observing Bufbequius", ambaffador from the court of Vienna 53 The Chronicon Tarvifianum (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xix. p. 850.), and the Annales Eftenfes (tom. xviii. p. 974.). The two authors, Andres de Redufiis de Quero, and James de Delayto, were both contemporaries, and both chancellors, the one of Trevigi, the other of Ferrara. The evidence of the former is the most positive. 54 See Arabshah, tom. ii. c. 28. 34. He travelled in regiones Ru mæas, A. H. 839 (A. D. 1435, July 27), tom. ii. c. 2. p. 13. 55 Bufbequius in Legatione Turcicâ, epist. i. p. 52. Yet his refpectable authority is fomewhat fhaken by the fubfequent marriages of Amurath H. with a Servian, and of Mahomet II. with an Afiatic, princefs (Cantemir, p. 83.93.). to LXV. 4. by the to the great Soliman. 4. Such is the separation CHA P. 57 5. by the fion. From these oppofite premises, a fair and mode- Probable rate conclufion may be deduced. I am fatisfied concluthat Sherefeddin Ali has faithfully described the first oftentatious interview, in which the conqueror, whose spirits were harmonised by success, affected the character of generofity. But his mind was infenfibly alienated by the unfeasonable arrogance of Bajazet; the complaints of his ene 56 See the teftimony of George Phranza (1. i. c. 29.), and his life in Hanckius de Script. Byzant. P. i. c. 40.). Chalcondyles and Ducas speak in general terms of Bajazet's chains. 57 Annales Leunclav. p. 321. Pocock, Prolegomen. ad Abulpharag. Dynaft. Cantemir, p. 55. LXV. An CHAP. mies, the Anatolian princes, were juft and vehement; and Timour betrayed a defign of leading his royal captive in triumph to Samarcand. attempt to facilitate his escape, by digging a mine under the tent, provoked the Mogul emperor to impofe a harfher reftraint; and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on a waggon might be invented, not as a wanton infult, but as a rigorous precaution. Timour had read in fome fabu lous hiftory a fimilar treatment of one of his predeceffors, a king of Perfia; and Bajazet was cons demned to reprefent the perfon, and expiate the guilt, of the Roman Cæfar. But the strength of his mind and body fainted under the trial, and his premature death might, without injustice, be afcribed to the feverity of Timour. He warred not with the dead; a tear and a fepulchre were all that he could bestow on a captive who was delivered from his power; and if Moufa, the fon of Bajazet, was permitted to reign over the ruins of Bourfa, the greatest part of the province of Anatolia had been restored by the conqueror to their lawful fovereigns. Death of Term of the conquefts of From the Irtifh and Volga to the Perfian Gulf, and from the Ganges to Damafcus and the ArTimour, chipelago, Afia was in the hand of Timour; his armies were invincible, his ambition was bound A. D. 1403. 58 A Sapor, king of Perfia, had been made prifoner and inclofed in the figure of a cow's hide by Maximjan or Galerius Cæfar. Such is the fable related by Eutychius (Annal. tom. i. p. 421. verf. Pocock). The recollection of the true hiftory (Decline and Fall, &c. vol. ii. p. 144-156.) will teach us to appreciate the knowledge of the Orientals of the ages which precede the Hegira. lefs, LXV. less, and his zeal might afpire to conquer and CHAP. convert the Chriftian kingdoms of the Weft, which already trembled at his name. He touched the utmoft verge of the land; but an infuperable, though narrow, fea rolled between the two continents of Europe and Afia "; and the lord of fo many tomans, or myriads, of horfe, was not master of a fingle galley. The two paffages of the Bofphorus and Hellefpont, of Conftantinople and Gallipoli, were poffeffed, the one by the Chriftians, the other by the Turks. On this great occafion, they forgot the difference of religion to act with union and firmness in the common caufe: the double ftreights were guarded with fhips and fortifications; and they separately with held the tranfports, which Timour demanded of either nation, under the pretence of attacking their enemy. At the fame time, they foothed his pride with tributary gifts and suppliant embaffies, and prudently tempted him to retreat with the honours of victory. Soliman, the for of Bajazet, implored his clemency for his father and himself; accepted, by a red patent, the inveftiture of the kingdom of Romania, which he already held by the fword; and reiterated his ardent with, of cafting himself in perfon at the feet of the king of the world. The Greek 59 Arabshah (tom, ii. c. 25.) describes, like a curious traveller, the ftreights of Gallipoli and Conftantinople. To acquire a juít idea of these events, I have compared the narratives and prejudices of the Moguls, Turks, Greeks, and Arabians. The Spanish ambaffador mentions this hoftile union of the Chriftian's and Ottomans (Vie de Timour, p. 96.) |