our enemies. Hence the incertitude as to the duration of a peace yet new and imperfectly settled. Hence the fear of seeing rekindled a desolating war, afflicting even for the conqueror. Far from our new institutions producing such lamentable effects, the emperor of Germany and of Austria has seen, as he ought, in the establishment of the imperial monarchy, in favour of a new dynasty, a guarantee given to his crown, and a motive for a closer alliance. It is in the organization of our empire that Francis the Second has found a new pledge of security and peace; a reason for removing his armies from our frontiers and those of our allies, and for not keeping his forces on a war establishment. In fine, from all the clouds which jealousy, hatred, fear, or hope had raised, nothing has resulted but happy explanations, solid assurances of the duration of peace, and the maintenance of harmony between the two emperors.-Bavaria. Saxony, Hesse Cassel, Baden, Wurtemberg, the elector of Ratisbon, all the reigning petty princes of Germany, and the equestrian order have given his majesty multiplied proofs of interest, attachment, and esteem. The Drakes, the Spencer Smiths, and the Taylors, have been driven away, as soon as it was known that their diplomatic character, shamefully profaned by them, served to mask the vilest and most odious proceedings, and that the object of their intrigues was war, which the present generation, fatigued with battles, and desirous of repose, wishes not to run into dangers, dreading, as it does, its misfortunes, and abhorring its exciters. Having Prussia and Austria for allies, where, gentlemen, are we to look for the Clements of a continental coali

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tion? Is it in Sweden? The young prince who reigns over that state, endowed with a warmth of head and with an exalted imagination, (lamentable gifts for kings when reason does not control them), has not known how to mature his designs by prudence, has neglected to call to his councils the sages with whom Sweden abounds, and to enlighten his experience by the wisdom of his old ministers. Thus this monarch has failed in the respect due to France, and in the effervescence of his resolutions he has kept no measures with her. But, at the same time, his imprudent boldness has not used more management towards Austria, and he has proved, by the inconsistency of his conduct, that his projects were without calculation, his prospects without maturity, his desires without reflection, and his pas sions without guides. He had meditated a treaty of subsidy with Eng. land; he had demanded of the cabinet of St. James's 48,000,000 (livres) in exchange for 20,000 soldiers; but the English minister, trafficking for men in Europe as for merchandize in Asia, valued the Swedes like Sepoys, and would give but sixteen millions, and thus the treaty was not concluded.-Prussia beside interposed in the negotiation, declaring that the conclusion of it would be the signal for his entrance into Pomerania. And though the sage prudence of the cabinet of Berlin should not have defended the king of Sweden from his own errors, the blood of the Swedes does not belong to him who barters and sells himself to intrigue or to tyranny.— If France formed a pretension contrary to the interests and to the honour of Sweden, Stockholm would see the descendants of the soldiers of Gustavus arm for their country; but

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she would also find them irritated at seeing their blood set up to auction, exchanged for English guineas, and proving, by their indignation, that the Swedish warriors, whose fathers filled the armies of Charles XII. are not made to stoop to such baseness and meanness !—Where then are the elements, the centre of this coalition to be found?-Will it be in Russia? The king of England himself announces that no tie exists with that power. He speaks of a correspondence, but a correspondence begun is not an alliance concluded. Besides, Russia is a great power with out doubt; but she can do nothing against the French empire. I go farther, if the Woronzoffs and the Marcoffs could entertain the idea of selling the force and influence of Russia to the English cabinet, Alexander has wiser counsellors, and forms more prudent resolutions. He has not forgotten how the Russians were last war treated by England, their ally, and how that war terminated, in Switzerland and Holland, during the expedition undertaken by great generals and brave soldiers, but undertaken with plans that could not be executed under the influence of a disastrous star.In fine, the coldness between the cabinets of the Thuilleries and St. Petersburgh is not enmity. They have neither of them any real subject of misunderstanding, and what has passed within these three months between the two governments, shews sufficiently that England would, in that conjuncture, have conceived vain projects, and speculated upon false hopes, if she thought of converting her correspondence into a coalition. Woronzoff may have conceived such a hope; but who does not know that Woronzoff is

less a Russian than an Englishman? that, residing in England, he wishes to fix himself there; and that a foe and disapprover of Paul the First, he is equally so of the great Catherine? The cabinet of St. Petersburgh is acquainted with the true interests of its country; it will have always before it the audacious insult of lord Nelson, wishing to dictate laws in the Gulph of Finland. It cannot dissemble that the attack committed in the Mediterranean by the English against the Spanish frigates, against an almost unarmed regiment, against defenceless' women and children, menaces also, on every sea, the ships and subjects of the czar. It cannot dissemble that that attack proceeds from the same spirit and the same principles that produced the attack upon Denmark, in her capital, which may produce an attack upon the Russian squadron in the Mediterranean, or in the Baltic; a spirit of fury and intoxication, which, pervading the English cabinet, induces them to despise all the powers of the continent, make no allowances for any one, and consider themselves as out of the social state, and the great civilised family of the world.-There exists, then, no threatening or possible coalition; but the sacred guarantee of the French empire against all fear, is, that could one have been formed, the emperor would have attacked, beat, and broken it; and after vic tory, would still have proposed peace; he would have written to the king of England that letter, in which he invites humanity to the aid of reason, and the interest of the English people. Let us repeat it then, gentlemen-one sentiment, and the most honourable of all, could alone have led the emperor to.

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also pronounce between the emperor of France and the king of Great Britain; nor is that posterity far from us. If, on the other hand, so worthy and so honourable a use of the power with which the people have invested Napoleon the First will call forth in the empire an unanimous sentiment of gratitude and love, on that occasion, at least, we should be bound to give thanks to the British cabinet, who, by the equivocal publicity given to the most candid of communications, has induced the necessity of that solemn explanation, of that unreserved declaration of the emperor, towards his people; we shall congratulate France on having acquired the proof, that by bestowing the throne on Napoleon, French citizens have given themselves a father, jealous of their happiness, sparing of the treasures of the state, and equally sparing of the blood of their children.

The president made the following reply:-Gentlemen, orators of the government, the tribunate have long shared in the sentiments of indignation which Europe must feel at the insatiable cupidity of the English government, who, without daring to own it in a formal manner, attempt to number among their prerogatives, the absolute and exclusive empire of the seas, and the right of arrogating to themselves the commerce and industry of all nations. We must not, therefore, be astonished that they elude every kind of overture for peace; that they multiply obstacles, that the most moderate propositions should appear to them inadmissible; and that their politics should be in decisive and uncertain. The government must be well convinced that the tribunate will concur with all its might, and with all its in

fluence, in the maintenance of the glory of the throne, and of the national honour, which has been thus insulted.

Opinion of Mr. De Langer Van Wyngaarden, in the Dutch Legislative Body, 24th January, 1805.

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It would be shewing very little love for, or desire of the tion of, our country and independence, if any man, for the purpose of carrying a favourite system or idea, should advise the rejection of a measure, which, in the present circumstances, is asserted to be the only one, and the speediest in its operation, for filling the public treasury, which is again declared to be empty to the very bottom, and without which immediate succour, the public administration is in danger of a total derangement. But, on the other hand, I must ask, Was not this to be foreseen long since? and why then suffer the time to be wasted in useless invectives on paper-and why not proceed to savings, and other means of finance? It is at length come to this; as soon as there is a pressing necessity, we are threatened with great calamities, as if it were to extort a consent for the prevention of that unavoidable stagnation, which has been so frequently declared. But the most dreadful and unexpected consequences, such as those of a bayonet or pistol clapped to the breast, compel us now to consent. Are we only sitting here to provide money for the public treasury, on every proposition and demand of the executive power, and to tax the inhabitants to that effect? Is the most unlimited power given or delegated to us, merely for this purpose? and

is not the greatest duty imposed upon us, to take care, in good time, that the inhabitants be not burdened and oppressed beyond measure? This is a very serious concern.The motive for the present propositions is, the pressing demands of a contractor for the troops, who was kept waiting for payment until a million was due to him, and he had complained to the French general, threatening to stop his deliveries, consequently those of meat and bread for the French soldiers. So this contractor and co. hold in their hands the fate of the republic! because our financiers have not chosen or not been able to satisfy them, they endeavour to obtain a new impost of one per cent. on property; the state directory, openly, and without reserve, announcing a military contribution or quartering, at the expence of the citizens, just as is practised in an enemy's country, unless we chuse to agree to their proposal immediately. To what extremes are they come! It seems as if they would reduce us to this, to demand another government, at the head of which some individual should be placed.-Financial impotency and the derangement resulting therefrom, is ever the fore-runner of the downfal of a government, and especially of such an unwieldy and expensive one as ours, which, staggering from day to day, tries to preserve its existence only by forced contributions; and which, as we are publicly told, must endure unheardof degradation, and lose its character both at home and abroad. vernment wants again to carry the proposed contribution, by hurrying us, and without hardly allowing us time to give it a thought. It gives us to understand, at the same time,

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and as it were in the same breath, the insufficiency of the measure; which certainly will not answer the expectation, on account of the natural counteraction which may be expected. With some modification, it is cutting the pill into four pieces, and continuing to the very last the cherished system of immoral and ruinous imposts on property, which not only clash with the constitution, but are also known beforehand to be insufficient, and that there will again be a deficiency; whilst in se veral cities the whole of that of 1803 is not all come in, and of that of 1804 nothing is yet received. Whatever measures of coercion may be used, whatever detestable and unlawful means may be employed, to persecute those who should contribute, the petty or secret war against the finances increases in the same proportion as the pressure; the people can no longer endure it; they begin to feel, after having but too long performed their duty to their country with their purses, that the first duties of a husband and a father call on them to be careful, and make them swear to resist new extortions, and the dangers impend. ing over their heads. I have long sincethought this operation muststop, as it was only kept on foot in the hope and expectation of uncertain events. I have seen, during and since last summer, how obstinately, and without the least concession, the state directory, notwithstanding this assembly endeavoured to preserve unanimity with them (which is the best way to promote the greatest concerns of the state, especially in such ruinous and deplorable circumstances) thought proper to try to intimidate it by the most improper and preposterous menaces.

This has