country in any age, and for the nccessity of which it would be proper to account. The Secretary at War replied, that if the number and expence of general officers was unparalleled, so was the occasion for them. The necessity of keeping up an army of 600,000 men to guard against invasion was unprecedented, and he added, were it not for that volunteer force, which some gentlemen seemed now so desirous to depreciate, the storm which had so long threatened us, would, by this time, have burst upon our heads. Mr. Kinnaird thought the appointment of inspecting brigadier generals to the volunteers, though at first useful, at present unnecessary; and indeed the more so, as serious disputes were to be apprehended, from their being so often at variance with the old field officers appointed to superintend those corps. Mr. Whitbread expressed himself of the same opinion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that as, in the present cir cumstances of the country, it might be found necessary to collect a large body of troops at some particular point, that could not well be effected without the assistance of brigadier generals, who should therefore be kept in readiness for any such occasion. According to the last returns, the volunteers amounted to upwards 325,000 effective men; 240,000 of these had been reported fit for immediate service, and only about 40,000 remained yet to be inspected. He did not think therefore the house would think the sum of 50,000l. an object to be put in competition with improving the discipline of that powerful branch of our defensive force. Mr. Whitbread admitted that the sum was but small, if the effect was great, but he denied that the high state of discipline of the volunteers was to be attributed to the orders or management of the brigadier generals, but to the activity of the inspecting officers, who were competent to all the purposes required. The different resolutions were then agreed to. CHAP. CHAP. II. Parliamentary Proceedings continued-Motion made by Sir Exan Nepean for the Continuation of the Act for suspending the Habeas Corpus in Ireland-Debute-Sir John Newport-Mr. D. Brown-Hutchinson-Sir John Stuart-Mr. Windham-Pitt-Fox-Lord de Blaquiere- Mr. Alexander-Martin-Dawson-Division-Motion carried.-Debates on the Rupture with Spain-in the Lords-Lord Mulgrave moves an Address of Thanks to the King for the Production of the Papers relating thereto. Speeches of Earl Spencer-Viscount Sidmouth-Lord King-Earl of Darnly-Lord Grenville-Hawkesbury.—Address carried without a Divi sion. HE next debate, of any considerable interest took place in the house of commons on the 8th of February, upon a motion made by Sir E. Nepean, (principal secretary to the lord lieutenant of Ireland) for leave to bring in a bill to continue the act of last session for the suspension of the habeas corpus act in Ireland. The grounds which be assigned for it, were, the notoriety of disaffection still prevailing in Ire. land, the preparations of the enemy for the invasion of that country, the number of Irishmen associated with the forces destined for that purpose, and the committee of united Irishmen then sitting in Paris, and corresponding with their brethren at home. It was, he said, the more necessary to arm the government with this authority, as the present act Would expire in about six weeks, at which time, a number of persons now imprisoned, on charges of high treason, must otherwise be liberated and left uncontrolled to pursue their secret machinations. If a Sir John Newport thought the slight grounds now stated, insufficient for suspending the most valuable part of the constitution, throughout the whole of Ireland, and involving the people of that country in a general proscription. committee of united Irishmen sitting at Paris was a sufficient argument for the suspension, there would be no end of it during the war: for the enemy would take care to keep up that handle for a measure which they knew must exasperate and inflame the minds of a people, amongst whom it was their object to stir up and keep alive the spirit of disaffection. The people of Ireland should be made to feel that the imperial parliament were as tender of their privileges, as they were of those of the people of England, and even more so, as powers increased at a distance, were always more liable to be abused. Such treatment could not easily be brooked by a loyal and strong-minded race of people, such, for instance, as the people people of Ulster in particular, unless some sufficient reasons were shewn for it; he therefore moved, as an amendment" That a committee of "21 members be chosen by ballot, "to examine such documents as may "be laid before them, and to re66 port to the house their opinion 16 upon these documents, whether "the continuance of the suspension "of the habeas corpus act, be a 66 measure necessary to the tran"quillity of Ireland at the present "time." Mr. D. Brown bore his testimony to the loyalty of the great majority of the people of Ireland, but approved of the suspension, as necessary to counteract the machinations of these nu nerous emissaries of France, who would otherwise take shelter under that constitution, which it was their object to destroy. Mr. Hutchinson, though he lamented that so strong a measure should be thought necessary, said he would not oppose it; at the same time that he hoped his majesty's ministers would turn their attention to the amelioration of the state of Ireland. Sir John Stuart considered the measure as called for by the loyal part of the people of Ireland, for their protection against the machinations of the disaffected. In the hands of the present chief governor, there was no danger of the power being abused, and his situation while in office (as attorney general) gave him opportunities to know, that to reveal the grounds of this measure by laying open the sources of information, would be to expose the loyal subject to the knife of the aşsassin. Mr. Windham said, that though he had supported former suspensions of the habeas corpus act, he never did, nor would do so now, except upon strong and clear grounds either proved or notoriously existing. As to the argument of a committee of united Irishmen sitting in Paris, that might subsist during the war, or even in time of peace, and thus afford a ground for the suspension of the constitution, perhaps all through the empire. It was admitted on all hands that the great majority of the people of Ireland were loyal, and if there were also some mischievous people amongst them, so there were in England. The question was not what these mischievous people wished to do, but what they could do, amongst a people generally well affected. The character for moderation which a chief governor may have, did not, in a free country, justify so harsh a measure as that of putting a whole people under martial law; and there was an obligation of honour and consciousness which should make us delicate in granting powers to be exercised at a distance, the weight of which would fall exclusively upon others, while we knew that they could not touch ourselves. He should therefore vote for the amendment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) observed, that it would appear, from the speech of the right honourable gentleman who spoke last, as if he maintained that, in no case, could the habeas corpus act be suspended without a previous enquiry, whereas, he knew very well that it was the practice of parliament to suspend this act without any previous enquiry, and that it was actually so suspended in the course of the last war, with his full knowledge and approbation. In cases ases of notoriety, examination must lord lieutenant of Ireland was not of itself a ground for entrusting him with extraordinary powers; but when the necessity for vesting the power was fully made out, as in the present case, it became of importance to ascertain the person who was to have the execution of the object intended by the grant of such pow be fatile; and was any one ignorant that, were not the fleets of the enemy, destined for the invasion of Ireland, now blocked up in their ports, they would have landed their armies there, accompanied by these Irish traitors, now formed into a kind of regiment, and keeping up a correspondence with many of their unfortunate and infatuated countrymen at home. ers. He was sorry to observe the right honourable gentleman now have recourse to the clumsy dilemma, he had himself so often baffled in the course of the last war, when brought forward by those with whom he was now associated. “ Ei ther the majority of the people "are loyal, or are not; if the majority be loyal, there is no occasion for It was certainly true, that the disaffected Irish were now few in number compared with what they had been, and that their means of doing mischief were proportionably small, but experience had abundantly shewn, since the French revolution, the miseries which a small minority"this measure; if the majority be were capable of inflicting on their Country. We were engaged with an active and formidable enemy, who would avail himself of any rumours of sedition he may find, and turn them to his own advantage. It was indeed to be hoped that experience would have opened the eyes of even the most disaffected of the Irish, and that none could be found mad enough to seek so fatal an alliance as that of the present government of France; but unfortunately that was not the case, and there were still some, weak and wicked enough to cultivate such a connection. The distance of Ireland, so much dwelt upon, was with him an argument in favour of the measure, because it was therefore the more exposedit was the important point of the British empire-it was that to which the enemy most particularly directed his attention-and therefore should be the more carefully protected against hostile aggression and secret machinations. He agreed that the excellence of the character of the "not loyal, say so." Ile again repeated his regret at finding him now having recourse to this weapon, to which he before opposed himself with so much indignation. Mr. Fox declared the doctrines promulgated by the right honourable gentleman, that night, the most alarming he ever heard broached in that house since he had a seat in it, and if ever meant to be seriously acted upon, deplorable indeed would be the fate of this country. It had never before been maintained, that because some of the people were bad subjects, the liberty of the whole people should be placed at the discretion of the minister or his agents, by the suspension of the habeas corpus act. He denied it to be his 66 clumsy dilemma," as it was called, but the clumsy mis-statement of that dilemma, that his right honourable friend (Mr. Windham) was successful in refuting. He never argued that a man, or even a considerable majority, would furnish an irresistible objection to such a measure, but he contended that the degree and nature of the disloyalty alledged to exist, did not justify so harsh a system of conduct at that time; but even the grounds alledged then were sufficiency itself, compared with those which were laid for the measure now proposed. If there were bad subjects in some parts of Ireland, so were there also in many parts of England, and unless a different measure of justice was to be dealt out between the two countries, should the suspension now proposed take place in Ireland, what security have the people here, that it would not also be extended to England? It was said, that we were at war with a government which wished to destroy our constitution and independence, but he would ask what government of France were we ever at war with, which did not wish to do the same?-aye-quite as willing as the present government? If the enemy threatened to invade Ireland, so did he also threaten to invade England, and thus was the war a reason as applicable to one country as the other. The honourable baronet (Sir John Newport) felt a laudable tenderness and solicitude for Ireland. So did he also; but he likewise felt, in the same manner, for England, if the minister's principle should unfortunately be adopt ed. It had been repeatedly declared by the right honourable gentleman himself, that notwithstanding the blockade of the enemy's ports, an invasion of Great Britain may expected from day to day, and if that was to be made a sufficient ground for this suspension, then farewel to the habeas corpus act, the proudest boast and noblest guard of the British constitution. He observed, that from the revolution down to the treaty of Aix la Cha pelle, this privilege had not bee withdrawn from the people so ofte as during the administration of th right honourable gentleman; an then only for short intervals, thoug we were almost perpetually at wai and though there was much disaf fection in the country, springin from the Jacobites, who were as re solute and enterprising, and much stronger in numbers, influence, pro. perty, and power, than the Jacobin: of the present day. As to the no. toriety of disaffection alluded to, even admitting it to be true; did not the same, or a much greater notoriety exist at the commencement of the last war, when it was stated to be even obvious in the streets? And yet did the government apply for the suspension of the habeas corpus till an enquiry was instituted by a committee, upon whose report the proposition was grounded? The character of Lord Hardwick, as represented, were that representation ever so well founded, would be no argument with him. Be the disposition of a man what it may, he would not consent to invest him with extraordinary, uncontrolled powers, for this reason, that it may be abused, and because the experience of the world taught him to dread the abuse of power, to whomsoever it may be given. He could not listen to any reasoning upon character. His objection was to grant the pow. er prefixed to the office, not to the be man. The right honourable gentleman may be as fond of possessing unconstitutional power himself, as he was of giving it to a lord lieutenant, and if so, he had as good rea. sons to give for intending the suspension to Great Britain, as for continuing it in Ireland. Ireland was |