marshes, with ruinous walls of wonderful thickness, and a tower kept up for prisoners. In the first volume of the Archæ ologia, published by the antiquarian society, there is a paper by the late Daines Barrington, at that time one of the judges on the circuit of North Wales. In this communication, he offers some reasons for supposing that Caerphilly castle was built by Edward I. on the ground of the probability, that as he had thought it necessary to construct the castles of Conway and Caernarvon, for the purpose of controlling the northern inhabitants of the principality, he might also have erected other castles in South Wales for the same purpose. I believe that the reputation of the author, and the ingenious reasoning of the paper, are generally considered as having set the question at rest; for it is attributed to Edward I. in most modern publications, on this authority specifically, without the slightest hint of suspicions or uncertainty. But I apprehend that a closer inquiry into the subject would have led that acute and learned antiquary into a train of observatiou, not altogether consistent with his hypothesis, and have induced him at least to doubt. Gla. morgan was one of those petty sovereignties, called lordship's marchers Its lords were its sovereigns. They had their parliaments, their courts of justice, and their other offices, executive and jurisprudential, in which they, and not the king of England, were supreme. They exercised jura regaliu, and did not hold of the crown, but per gladium, as their term was. They were generally, for their greater safety, in close alliance with the king of England, but not his subjects. This VOL. XLVII. distinction, however, is to be understood in reference to these lordships only; for with respect to their baronies and estates in England, they were to all intents and purposes subjects. King Edward had no jurisdiction at that time in Glamorgan. He could not possess an acre of land there, but as a subject to the lord of the country. It happened, indeed, in subsequent ages, that in consequence of intermarriages, the lordship of Glamorgan devolved on the king of England, and he in that case granted it to others on such terms as he thought proper, till, in the time of Henry VII it was united to the crown of England, as were most of the other lordship's marchers in the same manner; and this assumption enabled Henry VIII. to incorporate the whole of Wales with England. Edward I. had united North Wales, by conquest, with the crown of England. He had doue the same by that part of South Wales, which had been subject to the house of Dinevowr, and its princes; but those most powerful of the lordship's marchers, Glamorgan and Pembroke, in South Wales, with those of Denbigh and Flint, in North Wales, part of the lordships belonging to the earls of Chester, that of Shrewsbury, and possibly some others, continued independent of the crown of England till the time of Henry VIII. when the incorporation took place. These circumstances go to prove, that it could not have been Edward I. who built Caerphilly castle. We have already seen from historical documents, deduced from the Welsh authors, that John de Bruse built it in 1221; that after it had been taken, and of course partly ruined, it had afterwards been rebuilt in greater strength 3 L than than it had before possessed, by Ralph Mortimer; and in process of time was again greatly augmented and strengthened, by Hugh Spencer, the son, whose wealth appears, by all the accounts we have of him, to have been fully equal to such an undertaking and it may be supposed, with sufficient probability, that it was as great, and very possibly greater, than that of Edward I. The present appearance of Caerphilly, fully accords with the ideas which ancient records inspire, of its strength, magnificence and extent, The area is entered between two dilapidated towers, and the interior view of this great gateway, between its mighty bastions, is as striking as any of the venerable structure. The circuit of the outer-works incloses a very large tract of ground, though the circumference, great as it is compared with that of fortresses in general, scarcely renders credible, the enormous provision related to have been thrown in by the younger Spencer. The wall of the celebrated leaning tower, though but a fragment, is still between seventy and eighty feet, and of a prodigious thickness. It hangs eleven feet and a-half out of the perpendicular, and seems only to rest on one part of its south side. It appears as if held together, principally by the strength of its cement, which is of a tenacity unknown to the experience of modern masons. singularity is best observed by an interior examination, or from the moat underneath, whence the effect of its apparently falling mass is indeed stupendous. They show the mint close by this interesting part of the ruin, arched in a curious manner, with two furnaces for melting metal. These furnaces, likewise, dealt out dreadful vengeance on besiegers, Its and were the means, according to the most plausible as well as best authenticated accounts, of placing the adjoining tower in that singular situation, to account for which, has given rise to so many conjectures of fancy, and so many tales of superstition. From the mint there is an ascent to a long gallery, which communicated with the different apart. ments, and afforded a ready intercourse between the guards, who occupied the embattled towers. This corridor remains entire for the extent of from ninety to one hundred feet on the south side, except where the staircases have been destroyed, which circumstance prevents its being traversed: but the view from the extremity, along the vaulted passage, darkening as it recedes, realizes the awe inspired by the irrational sublimity of chivalrous romance. The descent of the sallyport is tremendously steep. When once the force of the castle began to pour down, the alternative rested between victory and death. The declivity impelled the steps of those, whose fears might have paused on even ground: and there could be no retreat for the foremost, while the ranks behind were rushing to the conflict. The great hall is large and complete. It exhibits an au gust example of gothic grandeur. united with a considerable degree of elegance. This room is about seventy feet by thirty, and seventeen in height. It has large windows, and an ornamented chimney. piece, in masterly and scientific proportions, with clusters of pillars along the side walls. The north window of the chapel is not only perfect, but uncommonly light and elegant. The window of what my guide, in the spirit of modern refinement, finement, called the drawing-room, Sure a fortune to the industrious is nearly entire. Close by one of and indefatigable adventurer. the drawbridges is the western entrance of the ruin, with a high gothic arch in the centre, supported by two pouderous towers in a circular form. This great gateway is grand and perfect, and leads to the stupendous structure of the inner court from the west, as the gate with the hexagonal towers from the cast. The dungeon has all those excellencies of a dungeon, to which the ancient barons knew how to give full effect; darkness, damp, and gloom. The interior has not a great deal of ivy; but the outer wall, particularly to the west, are venerably clothed. It would be superfluous to enter into a description of the buildings for the garrison, or the out-works. Suffice it to say, that it still exists a monument of magnificence, and an intimation of almost irrefragable power, in the ancient possessors of this once important lordship. There is, from the castle-court, a fine view of Energlu, the seat of Mr. Goodrich. The trade of Caerphilly is becoming of importance. It was only known as an object of antiquarian curiosity till of late years, when a woollen manufacture was established. There are now three: and the effect is observable in traffic on the roads, and population in the town. There is here one of those very large shops, furnished with articles of every description, which are established in particular stations of the mountainous country, and by supplying the wants of the inhabitants, for many miles round, generally en Account of Sir Philip Monckton, from an original MS. "My grandfather, my father, with myself, had the honour of "knighthood, and a sequestration "for some years." 66 My father was one of the first "that came to wait on the king, "when he retired to York, where "he lent him money, and was engag"ed in bonds for him to the value of "£20,000.” "He was one of the eleven gen"tlemen, that at the instance of "Mr. Endimion Porter, did peti"tion the king to take a guard: "for which the parliament sent a warrant for them, to his house, "and being under the influence of ‹ Hull,* * he was forced to leave it, "and lost the benefit of it for seven “years." All my family served the king, "and my second brother was slain in the war. I had the honour to "be the oldest captain of Sir "Thomas Metham's regiment of "foot, when the late king went to "block up Hull, where I had the "fortune to command the first party "that gave fire in that war.”. "Sir William Throckmorton, "late knight marshal, was com"missary general of horse, to his grace of Newcastle, at the battle "of Aderton. Moor; of which "battle he hath often said, that if I "did not win the day, I saved it; 3 L2 and * The expression" under the influence of Hull" is very obscure.-I suppose it means, that his house was so near that fortress, then commanded by Sir John Hetham for the parliament, that Sir Philip did not think himself safe in it. and that which I did, was not by chance, but conduct." "I had my share in regaining, at "Courtray, that honour the English lost at Newburne, for which "his grace of Newcastle was pleased "to honour me (and some others) "with kuighthood."* "The retreat that was made from the Scots at the battle of Bowdenhill, I made; having the com"mand of four hundred horse for "the guard of the left wing: as "major Jackson had for the right "wing: but, he being presently "beaten by the forlorn of Scots "that came against him; I was "drawn to the rear of the body of "the army; which was to march a mile and a half in a plain campania in fair day before the "Scotch army came to descend a hill in the inclosure." "Both the forlorns concentred ❝ against me, and I made good the "retreat without the loss of a man, ❝ until I came at the brink of the hills, where they fell into the rear of the last body that drew off, and pursued it into the inclosure, (where almost all our army was " in confusion) but these were re"pulsed by two parties that I had "sent in before: upon which, the "body of their horse came down 66 upon us whilst we were in that "disorder, and had routed our "army, but for Sir William Hud"dlestone's regiment of foot." "Upon our retreat to York, the Scots followed us, and my lord "Newcastle sent away his horse to "Newark, under the conduct of "Sir Charles Lucas, which he per"formed so excellently, in the face "of the Scotch and Fairfax's army, "that he sustained no loss." "From thence I was sent by ge. "neral to the prince Rupert to "Shrewsbury, to solicit him to re"lieve York, in which I ran many "hazards in passing by several of "the enemy's garrisons." "At the battle of Hessy-moor, "I had my horse shot under me, as "I caracoled at the head of the 66 body I commanded, and so near "the enemy, that I could not be "mounted again; but charged on "foot, and beat Sir Hugh Bethell's 66 regiment of horse, who was "wounded and dismounted, and my "servant brought me his horse. "When I was mounted upon him, "the wind driving the smoke so, as I could not see, what was be"come of the body I commanded, "which went in pursuit of the enemy: 1 retired over the glen, "where I saw a body of some two "thousand horse that were broken, "which, as I endeavoured to rally, "I saw Sir John Hussey, major"general to the prince, come gal"loping through the glen. I rid "to him and told him, that there were none in that great body, but they knew either himself or me, “and that if he would help me to put them in order, we might re"gain the field." 66 "He told me, broken horse would "not fight, and galloped from me "towards York. I returned to "that body, by that time it was "night, and Sir Marmaduke Lang"dale, having had those bodies he "commanded broken, came to me, "and we staid in the field until "twelve o'clock at night, when Sir John *Sir Philip Monckton, knight, 1617. Sir Francis Monckton, knight, 1642, at York, Jan. 25. Sir Philip Monckton, knight, 1641, at Newcastle. "John Hussey came, by order of "the prince, to command me to re"tire to York." "In that great action, the relief ❝ of Pontefract, I had some share. "At the battle of Payelay, where I "had three horses killed under me, "I staid with the last in the field, "and the retreat that was made Í "made it, the pursuit being of ten "miles continuance: at the end of "which, I beat the enemy's for"lorn, which was commanded by "two captains of Sir Robert Pye's "regiment, the one of which was "slain, and the other I brought "prisoner to the king at Leicester." At the battle of Rowton-heath, "after several conflicts with Poyntz, "it came to Sir Marmaduke Lang"dale's brigade, which I com"manded to charge, with which I "proposed to enter upon Poyntz "his ground; which Sir Marma"duke thought feasible; but having "signals sufficient for a victory, and "being peremptorily commanded "to keep his ground until a cer"tain hour, that we were com"manded to march to assault "the enemy in the suburbs of "Chester, he thought he could not "answer it, although he had the "fortune to beat Poyntz." "After we had fought the enemy "several hours, when the time came "for our marching to Chester, I "was commanded out of the middle of a lane, where I was drawn up "betwixt a heath that Poyntz stood upon, and Rowton-heath." "As soon as I was drawn up, "and that we began our route to"wards Chester, Poyntz came upon our ground and both horse and "foot came to his aid from Chester, "which forced us to face about and "fight. In my advancing to charge |