viously to the revolution, an appeal may be safely made to history and to the recollection of the few remaining sages who conceived the great design of our emancipation, that but for the militia, the defence of our rights would not have been attempted. An appeal to arms was in fact an appeal to the militia, the only existing force at the time. If independence is a blessing dear to freemen, and worthy of transmission to posterity, the arm that sustained it is entitled to the gratitude and support of every friend to his country. If the system which regulates it be imperfect, let it be improved, and let those who are loudest in its censure bear in mind that under its influence, imperfect as it is, a degree of discipline and of military knowledge has been attained which has hitherto never been equalled; and which does the highest honor to the zeal and exertions of those who compose this patriotic band. By this institution, the moral as well as physical force of the State is increased-it constitutes our safety against any aggression on the laws, assures our internal tranquility, and forms our only defence as it relates to other powers. If there has been any period in our history, since the revolution, admonishing us to polish this arm, the march of political events in Europe and their probable extension to our southern hemisphere points to the present in a forcible manner.

Several attempts have been made to carry into effect a plan suggested by military men of high consideration for a radical change in its organization.-That this duty should be performed exclusively by young men of a certain age. Without entering into the merit of this plan, or the objections against it, it is sufficient that the sense and temper of the people are opposed to it, and that its advocates have not been able to procure its adoption, either by

the federal or State Governments. Resting then on the old establishment, it remains to improve and encourage it as we find it. The time and expense required of those who compose this body imposes on them a burden, which is not in reality made lighter from being voluntary. To restore an equilibrium in this burden would be an act of justice, and would operate as an encouragement and as a partial remuneration to those who would still be in advance of other citizens in point of expense.

Inconveniences have been experienced, and complaints have been made, that the office of clerk of the courts, and that of register of probate, are in some instances held by the same individual. It is therefore suggested, whether it may not be expedient to provide by law that the two offices be not held by one person.

The circulation of capital and credit forms the great lever which moves agriculture, commerce and manufactures, in this, as well as in every other commercial State. Some of our citizens by extending their capital and credit too far have failed in their objects; and have involved themselves and their families in distress and ruin. I therefore recommend a revision of the Insolvent Laws, that it may be considered whether relief may not be afforded to this unfortunate description of citizens, consistently with the just rights of the creditor, and with that confidence which is indispensable in all commercial transactions.

The House of Representatives being the constitutional source of all taxation, are to judge of and determine the amount of the burdens required by the public interests to be imposed on the people. With them also rests the corresponding duty of superintending the expenditures, and of seeing that they are faithfully applied to the objects of their appropriation.

On the separation of Maine, an expectation very gener ally prevailed, that the expenses of government would be reduced in proportion to the reduced population of the Commonwealth. In degree this has been effected. To what extent this rule ought to apply, and whether any fur ther diminution may be made, consistently with the public interests,appears to be the province of the House to inquire In considering and determining the expediency of any further reduction in the expenditures of the State, the Legislature may be assured of an entire disposition on my part to co-operate with them; for in my judgment, the frugality enjoined by our constitution is one of the virtues essential to its preservation, and peculiarly required in a republic, of which the people who bear the burden of taxation are the real sovereigns.

We are at peace with all the world. The frank and able exposition of our relations with other nations, given to Congress, by the President of the United States, at the present session, affords a fair prospect of its continuance, unless it should be interrupted by military operations in our more immediate neighborhood.

It is impossible to behold without the deepest interest, the noble cause in which the Greeks are engaged; and the gallant manner in which it is maintained. They are contending for the right inherent in every people, the right of self government, for the independence to which every nation has natural and irresistable claims, and for the religion transmitted to us by our ancestors, our comfort in this life and the ground of all our hopes in that which is to come. The sympathies of those citizens who are taking an active part in raising funds for their relief are highly honorable to them, and unquestionably reciprocated by every benevolent and philanthropic mind in christendom. Every aid

and assistance,not incompatible with the course of policypursued by our government for more than thirty years, should be extended to them. In what manner and to what extent this policy may be applied is properly and safely left to the Federal Government to decide. In one prominent and important truth all will be agreed. Our institutions and independence are committed to us by our ancestors in trust for posterity. They are the fruit of toil and blood, of moral and physical exertions, of systems of education and reli. gion, with corresponding habits which wear the stamp of two centuries. Our obligation to preserve and transmit them inviolable, is paramount to any duty we may be called to perform in behalf of any other nation whatever. WILLIAM EUSTIS.

Council Chamber, January 7th, 1824.

CHAP. XXV.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

The Secretary will lay before you, a statement presented to the Executive, by the Directors of the State Prison in Charlestown, refering to certain labor performed by the convicts for the use of the Massachusetts General Hospital. As the Legislature only is competent to determine the question proposed by the Directors, I transmit their communication for your consideration.

Council Chamber, January 10th, 1824.

WILLIAM EUSTIS.

CHAP. XXVI. ·

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

Since the last Session of the General Court, I have received from the Governor of the State of Illinois a report and resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of that State, referring to grants of land from the United States for the purposes of education, with a request that the same may be communicated to the Legislature of this State. I have also recently received from the Governor of Tennessee, certain resolutions of the General Assembly of that State. And I now transmit the same by the Secretary. WILLIAM EUSTIS.

Council Chamber, January 10th, 1824,