Treaty of Tilsit.And, lastly, as to the selrode was destined to proceed to Paris His Majesty the Emperor Alexander will your Cabinet. THE DUKE OF BASSANO. Copy of a Note from Prince Kurakin to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.-Paris, 18 (30) April, 1812. sia, is indispensable to the interests of his Imperial Majesty. the Emperor, my master, it now remains for me to provide for my responsibility towards my Court, by officially acquitting myself, in the communication which I have received orders to make to your Excellency, and which hitherto have been only made verbally.I am ordered to declare to your Excellency, that the preservation of My Lord Duke,-Since the interview Prussia, and her independence from every which I had on Tuesday last with your Ex-political engagement directed against Rus 'cellency, and in the course of which you In order to arrive at a gave me reason to suppose that the verbal communications which I had the honour of real state of peace with France, it is necesmaking, according to the tenor of my latest sary that there should be between her and instructions, should be admitted as the Russia a neutral country, which shall not grounds of the arrangements on which we be occupied by the troops of either of the are about to enter; since that time I have two powers; that as the entire policy of his not been able to find you at home, and Majesty the Emperor, my master, is calcuenter into a second conference, in order to lated to preserve solid and stable principles the discussion of this object, and the settling of amity with France, which cannot subthe project of this convention.- It is im- sist so long as foreign armies continue to be possible for me, my Lord, to defer any quartered so near the Russian frontiers, the longer transmitting to the Emperor, my first basis of negociation can be, no other master, an account of the execution of the than a formal engagement or a complete orders he has given me. I acquitted my-evacuation of the Prussian States, and of all self verbally towards his Majesty the Emperor and King, in the private audience which he granted me on Monday. I also acquitted myself in the same manner towards your Excellency, in my interview with you on Friday, Monday, and Tuesday. I flattered myself, that the agreement to a project of convention, founded upon a basis which I had the honour to propose, and -I must declare, that when the meawhich I had hoped would be agreeable to sures above-mentioned shall be acquiesced his Majesty the Emperor and King, would in on the part of France, as the basis of the put it in my power to prove immediately to arrangement to be concluded, I shall be his Majesty the Emperor, my master, that permitted to promise, that such arrangeI had fulfilled his intentions, and had the ments may include, on the part of his Magood fortune to have done so successfully.jesty the Emperor, my master, the followDeprived for two days of the power of see- ing engagements: Without deviating ing your Excellency, of following up and from the principles adopted by the Empeconcluding, in conjunction with you, a work ror of all the Russias for the commerce of so important and so urgent, in consequence his States, and for the admission of neutrals of the circumstances that are to be submit- into the ports of his dominions-principles ted to us, that not a single day should be which his Majesty can never renounce, he lost; and seeing the certainty overthrown binds himself, as a proof of his adherence with which I had flattered myself that this to the alliance formed at Tilsit, not to adopt work would be finished without delay, and any change of the prohibitive measures estawhich might lead to the conclusion that itblished in Russia, and severely observed to ought to have, namely, that of preventing the present time, against direct trade with the fatal consequences of the close approach England. His Majesty is also ready to which has been made by the army of his agree with his Majesty the Emperor of the Majesty the Emperor and King to that of (To be continued.) the strong places of Prussia, whatsoever may have been the period and the pretext of their occupation by the French or Allied troops; of a diminution of the garrison of Dantzic; the evacuation of Swedish Pomerania, and an arrangement with the King of Sweden, calculated to give mutual satisfaction to the crowns of France and Sweden. Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden. VOL. XXII. No. 5.] LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1812. 129] [Price 1s. [130 about them whether there be an election going on or not; and also, in case of fortified towns, where, though there be an election going on, soldiers are to remain in sufficient number to take care of the works. Now, then, as Bristol is neither a place of residence of the Royal Family, nor a for TO MY CORRESPONDENTS. Olave I kuru varů home, the postage of Letters has cost me more than thirty shillings a week. This is an expense that it would be inconvenient for me to bear. I therefore hereby notify, that, after this day week, I will never, on any account, receive any letter, from any body, the post-tified town, it is clear, that, if soldiers have age of which is not paid, whether by the General or by the Twopenny post; and that I will pay the postage of all the Letters that I send to any persons whatever. Parcels left with Mr. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, will be forwarded to me with care. been suffered to remain in, or to return to, your city within the periods above described, the election must be void; or, there is, at once, an end to the above-mentioned act of parliament, and also to the ancient common law of England in this respect, and the very show of freedom of election is gone. It has not only been stated to me from the best authority; but, it has been stated in print by your wellknown enemies, that soldiers were not only brought within the precincts of your city, during the time that the poll was open, but that they actually were stationed, with bayonets fixed, in the very Guildhall; and, in short, that after the first or second. day of the election, the city was under the control of military armed men. If I have not to congratulate you upon the return of Mr. Hunt as your representative, I may well congratulate you upon the spirit which you have shown during the election, and upon the prospect of final suc- This being the case, there can be no cess from the exertion of a similar spirit. doubt of the election being declared void; That another contest will take place in a or, if it be not, there will, at any rate, be few months there can be no doubt; for, the no disguise; it will become openly declared, law allows of no exceptions with regard to that soldiers, under the command of men the use of soldiers. The ancient common appointed by the King, and removeable at law of England forbade not only the use, his sole will, can be, at any time, brought but the very show of force of any kind, at into a place where an election is going on, elections; and, the act of parliament, made and can be stationed in the very building in the reign of King George the Second, is where the poll is taken. Whether, amongst quite positive as to a case like yours. the other strange things of our day, we are That Act, after stating the principle of the doomed to witness this, is more than I can Common Law as to soldiers in an election say; but, at the least, it will be something town, says, that, when an election is about decisive; something that will speak a plain to take place in any city or borough, where- language; something that will tend to fain there are any soldiers stationed or quar- shion men's minds to what is to come. tered, the soldiers shall be removed out of But, I have heard it asked: "would the said city or borough; that they shall go you, then, in no case, have soldiers callout one day, at least, before the poll be-ed in during an election? Would you gins; that they shall not return till one "rather see a city burnt down?" Aye day, at least, after the poll has closed; would I, and to the very ground; and, rathat the distance to which they shall be re- ther than belong to a city where soldiers moved, shall be two miles at least. There were to be brought in to assist at elections, are a few exceptions, such as Westminster I would expire myself in the midst of the or any other place where the Royal Family flames, or, at least, it would be my duty so may be, who are to have their guards to do, though I might fail in the courage E to perform it. But, why should a city be I have heard it asked: "What! would burnt down, unless protected by soldiers? 66 you, then, make an election void, because Why suppose any such case? Really, to "soldiers were introduced, though one of hear some men talk now-a-days, one would "the candidates would have been killed, be almost tempted to think that they look" perhaps, without the protection of the upon soldiers as necessary to our very ex- bayonet? Would you thus set an elecistence; or, at the least, that they are ne- "tion aside, when it might be evident, cessary to keep us in order, and that the "that, without the aid of soldiers, the man people of England, so famed for their good" who has been elected, would not, and sense, for their public spirit, and their ohe- "could not, have been elected. on account dience to the laws, are now a set of brutes," of the violence exercised against him? to be governed only by force. If there are "If that be the case, there is nothing to do men who think thus of the people of Eng-" but to excite great popular violence land, let them speak out; and then we against a man; for, that being done, you shall know them. But, Gentlemen, it is "either drive him and his supporters from curious enough, that the very persons, who," the polling place, or, if he call in solupon all occasions, are speaking of the peo- "diers, you make his election void." ple of England as being so happy, so con- This has a little plausibility in it; but, as tented, so much attached to their govern- you will see, it will not stand the test of ment, are the persons who represent sol- examination. Here is a talk about excitdiers as absolutely necessary to keep this ing of violent proceedings; here is a talk same people in order! about burning the city; but, who, Gentlemen, were to be guilty of these violent proceedings; who were to burn the city Not the horses or dogs of Bristol; not any banditti from a foreign land; not any pirates who had chanced to land upon the coast. No, no; but "the rabble, the mob;" and what were they? Were they a species of monsters, unknown to our ancient laws aud to the act of George the Second? Or were they men and women? If the latter, they were, in fact, people of Bristol; and, the truth is, that if the people of Bristol abhorred a man to such a degree that it was unsafe for him or his advocates to appear on the hustings, or in the streets; if this was the case, it was improper that that man should be elected, since it must be clear, that, if elected, he must owe his election to undue, if not corrupt, influence. What! and do the advocates of corruption suppose, that our law-makers had not this in their view? Is it to be imagined, that they did not foresee, and, indeed, that they had not frequently seen, that elections produced fierce and bloody battles? They knew it well; and so did the legislators in America; but, still they allowed of no use of soldiers. They reasoned thus, or, at least, thus they would have reasoned, if any one had talked to them of soldiers: No; we will have no soldiers. The magistrate has full power to keep the peace at all times, not excepting times of election, when assaults and slanders are no more To hear these men talk, one would suppose, that soldiers, as the means of keeping the peace, had always made a part of our government; and, that, as to elections, there always may have been cases when the calling in of soldiers was necessary. But, the fact is, that soldiers were wholly unknown to the ancient law of England; and, that, as to an army, there never was any thing of an army established in England till within a hundred years. How was the peace kept then? How were riots suppressed in those times? We do not hear of any cities having been burnt at elections in those days. I will not cite the example of America, where there are elections going on every year, and where every man who pays a sixpence tax has a vote, and yet where there is not a single soldier in the space of hundreds and thousands of miles; I will not ask how the peace is kept in that country; I will not send our opponents across the Atlantic; I will confine myself to England; and, again I ask, how the peace was kept in the times when there were no soldiers in England? I put this question to the friends of Corruption; I put this question to Mr. Mills, of the Bristol Gazette, whose paper applauds the act of introducing the troops. This is my question: how was the peace kept at elections, how were towns and cities preserved, how was the city of Bristol saved from destruction, in those days when there were no soldiers in England I put this question to the apos-permitted by law than at any other time. tles of tyranny and despotic sway; and, Gentlemen, we may wait long enough, I believe, before they will venture upon an answer. 'The magistrate has all the constables and other inferior peace officers at his com'mand; he can, if he find it necessary, add to the number of these at his plea 'sure; and, if the emergency be such as 'not to allow time for this, he can, by his 'sole authority, and by virtue of his com'mission, which is at all times effective, 'call upon the whole of the people to aid ' and assist him in the execution of his duty, and for refusing to do which any 'man is liable to punishment. Having 'endued the magistrate with these powers; having civen him a chosen hand of sworn officers, armed with staves; having given him unlimitted power to add to that band; 'having given him, in case of emergency, the power of commanding every man, of ' whatever age or degree, to aid and assist him in the execution of his duty; having 'thus armed the magistrate, how can we • suppose him to stand in need of the aid of soldiers, without first supposing the country in a state of rebellion, in which case it is nonsense to talk about elections. To tell us about the popular prejudices excited against a candidate, is to tell us ' of an insufficient cause even for the calling ⚫ out of the posse; but, if this prejudice be so very strong, so very general, and so deeply rooted, that the magistrate, with all his ordinary and special constables, and his power to call upon the whole of the people to aid and assist, is unable to ' protect him from violence, or, is unable to preserve the city against the rage excited by his presence and pretensions; if there be a prejudice like this against a 'candidate, we are sure that it would be "an insult to the common sense of mankind ⚫ to call such a man, if elected, the representative of that city; and, therefore, we 'will make no new law for favouring the election of such a man.' Such, Gentlemen, would have been the reasoning of our ancestors, such would have been the reasoning of the legislators of America, if they had been called upon to make a law for the introduction of soldiers at an election; which, let the circumstances of the case be what they may, and let the sophistry of the advocates of corruption be what it may, is, after all, neither more nor less than the forcing of the people to suffer one candidate to be elected and another to be set aside. The soldiers do, in fact, decide the contest, and cause the return of the sitting member; unless it be acknowledged, that his election could have been effected without them; and, then, where is the justification for calling them in? I have heard of nobody who has attempted to anticipate any other decision than that of a void election; and, indeed, who will dare to anticipate any other? It being, for these reasons, my opinion, that the return of Hart Davis will be set aside, and, of course, that another election for your city is at no great distance, I shall now take the liberty to offer you my advice as to the measures which you then ought to pursue; first adding to what I said in my last a few observations relative to Mr. Hunt. At the close of my last letter I observed to you, that it was owing to this gentleman, and to him alone, that you had an election. You now know this well. You have now seen what it is to have at your head a man of principle and courage, With all the purses of almost all those in Bristol who have grown rich out of the taxes; with all the influence of all the cor rupt; with all the Bristol news-papers and almost all the London news-papers; with all the Corporation of the City; with all the bigoted Clergy and all their next a-kin, the pettifogging Attorneys; with all the bigots, and all the hypocrites, and all alarmist fools; with all these against him, and with hundreds of bludgeon men to boot; opposed to all this, and to thirty or forty hired barristers and attorneys, Mr. Hunt stood the poll for the thirteen days, in the face of horse and foot soldiers, and that, too, without the ait of advocate or attorney, and with no other assistance than what was rendered him by one single friend, who, at my suggestion, went down to him on the sixth or seventh day of the election. Gentlemen, this is, as Í verily believe, what no other man in England, E 2 |