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unwritten.When, therefore, I hear men talk, when I hear the half-witted souls, who write our hired news-papers, talk of a battle deciding the fate of Spain, or of Portugal, or of Poland, or of Sicily, &c., it really sounds to me like the babble of little children talking of the business of manhood. Not fifty of their battles of Salamanca would arrest the progress of the human mind for a single month. The marchings and other operations of Napoleon's armies are the effects, not the causes, of the revolutions that are going on in Europe; and, it is owing to our regarding them as causes and not effects, that we and all our royal allies have failed in our endeavours to impede their progress. When we shall perceive our error time alone can tell.

PEACE WITH FRANCE.As to the political consequences of the battle of Salamanca, the more I reflect on the subject, the more firm is my conviction, that, if negociations for peace, or, at least, an offer on our part to treat, be not the consequence of the victory, no good whatever, but much harm, will arise from it. I

see it announced, that the Duke D' Angouleme has obtained our Regent's perinission to serve as a volunteer in our army in the Peninsula, a circumstance which corroborates my apprehension of a design to revive the claim of the Bourbons in France; a design, which, if seriously entertained, would be, in my opinion, well calculated to excite alarm in the people of this country. There are persons, I know, and I know it because I see their sentiments expressed in the corrupt news-papers; there are persons, who believe that it will NEVER be safe for the government of this country, as now constituted, to make peace with Napoleon. These persons think, and they say so, that, if he be left Emperor of France and King of Italy at a peace, no old government can long stand. Coming more closely to the point, they say, in substance, that it is as well for this govern ment to perish in an endeavour to overset Napoleon as to make peace with him; be cause certain destruction to it follows the latter. The war against republican France had a similar foundation. It was then said, that, to be sure, aristocracy and monarchy and ecclesiastical power might be defeated in the war against republicanism; but, that that was no argument against the war; because, they were sure to be overset by peace with the repub

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lic of France. Whether this way of reasoning was then right or wrong I will leave the history of the last twenty years to say; but, it is odd enough, that there should be persons to use the saine sort of arguments now, and as applied to what they call "a military despotism" in France. They were, in 1792, afraid of the example of the French; they were afraid of the example of "republicans and levellers;" they were afraid of the contagion of anarchy; and, they are now afraid of they know not what; for it is impossible, quite impossible, that they should be afraid that the existence of a military despotism” in France should prove an incitement to the people of England to pursue the French example. This is impossible. There is, therefore, now no contagion to be apprehended, unless it be the contagion of that military despotism," which, we are told, exists in France, and which example it is always in the power of our government not to follow. We are continually told by the hired writers, that the government of Napoleon is a cruel despotism; that the people abhor (as people ought to abhor) the despotism and the despot; that they would fain revolt against him, put him down, and restore their old government. If this be so, then, what have our establishments to fear from an intercourse and communication between the people of the two countries? If this be really so, our government and all its establishments must gain solidity by a peace; because peace could not fail to produce a great intercourse between the two nations. The French, by being able to come hither, would have opportunities of witnessing our state of blessedness, and of comparing it with that state of misery in which we are told they are; and the English, by being able to go to France, would have like opportunities of witnessing the state of the people there, compared with our own state. In short, proof of the facts would supplant hearsay. The people of both countries would soon know the truth; and, therefore, if the facts be as we are told; if the government of France be a despotism and the people in the deepest misery, I repeat, that peace, so far from being big with danger to our government and establishments, is the very thing of all others to render them secure for ever. -For these reasons, it is to me astonishing, that any one person should be found in England, who calls himself the friend of the government, and who, at the same time, expresses his disinclination

discuss the remaining points of difference; but, my judginent greatly deceives me, unless that point be insisted upon. America knows our situation well. She is well acquainted with our commercial distresses. She knows how necessary her food is to Portugal, Spain, and our armies; and shre will inake sure of accomplishing her object in a short space of time.I am, besides, of opinion, that it is impossible for her government to view with indifference our ascendency in the Councils of Old Spain, supposing the Napoleons to be driven out of that country. With our naval power, and with the Spanish colonies under our control, America must be in continual uneasiness. She will not, and she cannot, leave this matter out of her views of the necessity of war. I should, therefore, if I were the minister of this country, be prepared for a frank declaration upon the sub

to a peace with France. It seems to me, that, if what we are told, relative to the state of France, be true, that the friends of our government ought to be the most strenuous advocates for peace with Napoleon; but, it is very certain that they are not; so that we are constrained to believe, that these gentlemen are not quite sincere, and that they do not believe France to be in so bad a state as they say she is; or, that they are not, at bottom, the friends of our government.The intelligence which is now given us from the North of Europe places Napoleon in a state of defeat and of danger. This, therefore, is the time for us to offer him terms of peace. Indeed, it is so obviously the time, that if the offer be not now made, I shall, for my part, never expect to see peace made with him by our government. If this be not the proper time to make the offer, I do not see, and I cannot imagine the combination of circum-ject of Spanish affairs. I would disavow stances that would render an offer of the kind proper. He is, or, at least, so we are told, beaten in the North, his arinies are beaten in Spain, his people are ready to rise against him, and his army desert from him by tens of thousands at a time. All this is asserted, and asserted in the most positive manner, in our news-papers; and, if it be true, when can we expect such another occasion for offering him terms of peace? If it be false, indeed, that alters the case; but, this is what I say: either the people of England are told most atrocious falsehoods respecting the war and the situation of the Emperor Napoleon, or this is the time for our government to offer him terms of peace.

AMERICAN STATES.At last, then, we have a war with these States, in due form. The documents, which I subjoin to this Summary, will show, that Letters of Marque have been issued, and that every other measure is now taken to cause the state of war between the two countries to

be complete. Whether those, who so
long disbelieved in war with America, will
now believe in it, I shall not pretend to
say. I question if they will till they hear
of the capture of Canada; and even then
they will, perhaps, say it "is mere blus-
"ter."-
-War there now is, however,
and war, unless we yield the point of im-
pressing people out of American ships at
sea, there will be; or, at least, that is my
decided opinion. I do not say, that a
pause, in the shape of an armistice, might
not take place, in order to give time to

any intention to hold the colonies to the
mother country. I would, at once, ac-
knowledge the independence of the Carac-
cas, as Napoleon will, we may be well
assured. It must be of the greatest im-
portance to the American States to see her
neighbours freed from European authority.
Such an event would contribute not less to
her safety than her riches. Indeed, she
manifestly takes great interest in the changes
going on in South America; and, now
that she has arms in her hands, she will
not, I dare say, fail to endeavour to give
effect to her desires. Our hireling news-
papers, which, sometime back, were so
bold upon the subject of America, have
marvellously changed their tone.
now talk of nothing but peace and friend-
ship with that Mr. Madison, who, only
nine months, nay, six months, ago, was
the object. of their most contemptuous
sneers. They have now found out, that
freemen, though they do not rush headlong
into war, will, in some cases, take up
arms and use them too.

They

CANADA.- In the mean while the preparations for the defence of Canada do not seem to be making with any very great degree of zeal, on the part of the people. Indeed, it seems that just the contrary is the case; and that riots and insurrections are made against those who attempt to force the people to take up arms in defence of the province. I do not choose to state this without inserting, from the Courier news-paper of the 25th of August instant, the account of the disturbance that I more

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particularly allude to. The account, as "nately await their perseverance; urging the reader will see, is dated at Montreal," them by every persuasion to disperse and and Montreal is the Capital of Upper Ca- " return peaceably to their homes and obey nada, bordering upon the American States," the law. They replied, that they did and the inhabitants of which province are "not consider the Militia Bill as fully not nearly so much French as those of the "passed-that they were informed it had province of Lower Canada. Mon- not received the Royal sanction; and that' "treal, July 4. This city has been for a " although it might have passed the House "few days past in a state of agitation, oc- "of Assembly, where it originated, it had "casioned by an event which has taken "not obtained the approbation of the other' place at Pointe Claire; and as this mat- "branches of the Legislature; that the law, "ter will be clothed, no doubt, in all the" if really enacted, had not been promul-' "dress of misrepresentation by our neigh-" gated amongst them, and that they were "bouring enemies, from the information" not properly made acquainted with it; as "they may receive of it, we consider it a "such, they could not pay obedience to it. "duty we owe to the community at large -Under this false and unfortunate' "in this country, to state the circum-"impression, these deluded people perstances as they occurred in a fair, open, "sisted; but at the same time declared, "and candid manner.- -By the late Mi- "with shouts of Vive le Roi, that if the "litia Law, 2,000 young men are to be "Government wanted their services at any "drafted from the general Militia of the "time, they were ready, one and all, to "province for three months, to be properly" come forward with their lives in the de"trained, and of course, a certain pro- "fence of their country, and that they portion of this number is to be furnished" would prove themselves in the hour of "by each particular district. Some of" danger to be faithful subjects of a Go"those drafted from the parish of Pointe vernment to which they were firmly at"Claire refused to march to Laprairie, for "tached by every principle.Finding, "the purpose of joining the division sta- "however, that they still persisted in their "tioned there; in consequence of which," determination on this particular object, "Major Leprohon, belonging to this par-" Mr. M'Cord, in his magisterial capacity, "ticular battalion, was sent on Tuesday" read the Riot Act to them, and ordered "last, with 22 attendants, to apprehend" them to disperse; which not being com"these refractory persons as deserters.- "plied with, a round of shot was fired by "They apprehended four with some oppo- "the artillery, but elevated above injury,' "sition; and on their way to town with" which was returned by the insurgents in "them, they were followed by a consi- "a spirited fire with ball, deserving of a "derable number of persons, who rescued" better cause. The troops then fired a 66 one prisoner, and threatened that they "volley with ball and grape, but still too "would next day proceed to the depot at " much elevated to do any harm, which "Laprairie, and bring away by force from "was also returned by another discharge" "thence the young men of that parish" from the mob, upon which a few directwho were there on duty. Accordingly," ed shots were fired at them (it being "on Wednesday, a large body of these "nearly dark) by the military, which made "people assembled at La Chine, with the" them disperse, and one man was found "intention of carrying their threats into "killed and another wounded, it is feared "execution.Thos. M'Cord, Esq. one" mortally.—A straggling fire continued "of the Police Magistrates, about four" for a few minutes; and under cover of "o'clock in the afternoon, left town, "the night and the woods, they retreated. "accompanied by the light infantry of "Three prisoners were sent to town in the "the 49th regiment, and a detachment" evening, in charge of some citizens who "of the Royal Artillery, with two field-"volunteered for the purpose. The troops "pieces, under the command of Major" lay upon their arms all night, and none "Plenderleath, and took post on a point" of the insurgents were to be found the "opposite to the insurgents (consist-"next morning.- -Much praise is due to "ing of about 400 persons, 80 of whom "Major Plenderleath, Captain Williams, "appeared to be armed) and at the dis- " and the officers and men of their detach"tance of about two acres. Mr. M'Cord, "" ment, for their cool and determined, "with some other respectable citizens," but humane conduct, in sparing the "pointed out the impropriety of their con- "lives of their deluded fellow-subjects on "duct, and the fate that would unfortu" this occasion; and many of these unfor

*tunate men acknowledge the humane for-
bearance evinced by the military, that
otherwise would have been fatal to most
"of them.--On Thursday morning strong
detachments from the three town batta-
"lions of Militia, forming about 450 men,
marched to La Chine, and from thence,
accompanied by the military, preceeded
"to the village of Pointe Claire, where
they halted that night, and in the morn-
ing marched from thence, in the rear of
the island, and through St. Laureant, and
"yesterday arrived in town about four
"o'clock in the afternoon, bringing with
"them twenty-four prisoners, who with
ten sent to town on Thursday, and the
three already mentioned, of the preceding
" evening, make in all thirty-seven. These
<i misguided men are now undergoing their
examination before several of the town
16 Magistrates at the Court-house. Many
"more prisoners might have been brought
to town as strongly suspected, but were
"released on their promise to come and
"implore the pardon of his Excellency the
"Governor, who is now here, and which
"they did this morning to the number of
"three or four hundred. His Excellency
"expostulated with them as a father, and
ci pointed out to them the danger of their
situation in a style truly honourable to
"his own feelings, assuring them of his
forgiveness on delivering up those who
"had been the promoters of the insurrec-
tion, if to be found, and the Militia de-
86 serters of their district, which they most
cheerfully agreed to.-D. B. VIGOR,
attorney, and PAPINEAU, jun, attorney,
"both of Montreal, and Members of the
"House of Assembly (it is said) were the
"chief promoters and instigators in these
"lawless proceedings." Now mind,
this account sets out with promising a fair,
open, and candid avowal of all that took
lace; and it calls these two gentlemen
Attorneys;" but it should have added,
that, in all the States and Provinces in
North America, the same persons are, at
once, attorneys and barristers; that there is
no distinction between the two professions;
and that, all the Judges, Chancellors, and
every one who has ever practised the law, Botley, 26th August, 1812.
in those countries, may, in this manner,
called attorneys. Mr. John Adams, who
was President of the United States, may,
in the same way, be called an Allorney.
At any rate, it appears, that the two chief
promoters, or, rather, two of the chief pro-
moters of the disaffection to the service,
were Members of the House of Assembly;

that is to say, legislators, or law makers;
and, therefore, the matter is not so slight as
it is attempted to make us believe. If a
man or two had refused to join, and had
been compelled to do so, it might have af-
forded little to talk of; but, we here see
hundreds of the armed inhabitants assem-
bled to defend certain persons from being
forced into the militia! We see the regu-
lar army called out and marched against the
people, to compel them to take up arms in
defence of their country. These facts speak
a clear language, and they are not to be
silenced. There is no hiding these facts
even from the people of England. Much
is hidden from them, but facts like these,
and so near to the seat of a press really
free, are not to be hidden. They come
too disfigured; they are not the same that
they were at Montreal; they are disguised;
but they cannot be wholly kept from view;
and, to know the whole extent of them, we
have only to get a single glimpse. The
Americans, however, have them with all
their circumstances; and, in considering
them, they will not forget the Envoy Ex-
traordinary of Sir James Craig; they will
not forget Captain Henry! This is a
piece of intelligence of much greater im-
portance than the recent intelligence from
Salamanca; though not a word, not a single
word, is said about it in the London news-
papers. It is published, indeed; but the
editors bestow not a word upon it. They
are still too much engaged with the victory
of Salamanca, and with cutting jokes upon
the poor fallen Buonaparté.- -They for-
get, that if Canada were lost, what a sen-
sation it would produce, and that twenty
battles of Salamanca would not wipe away
the disgrace. They forget, too, that the
intelligence is nothing short of that of a
great body of the people assembling, armed,
to prevent young men from being forced into
the militia. Have they heard of any thing
of this sort in France, or in any of the do-
minions of Napoleon? If they were to
hear of such a thing, would they not pro-
nounce him lost?

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WM. COBBETT,

RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
KINGDOM OF POLAND.

Report of the Diet.-Warsaw, July 1. Our country begins at last to emerge from its ruins. Poland is re-established.

A General Diet has been assembled at | bours those acts which violence has often Warsaw, and in the Sitting of the 23d of coloured with the pretext of right. June, a Committee made the following Re-merous population flourished on this soil: A nuport: the liberality of nature answered to their laGentlemen,-If ever there existed among bours. The Monarchs of the land had men an important commission, or if ever often taken their place in history, beside there was an honourable task assigned them, those who have most honoured the Supreme it is, without doubt, that which we have Rank; the dignity of sitting on her throne received from you. If ever a work direct- was solicited on all sides; and, if casual ed to the mind and to the heart, all that is dissensions broke forth in her own bosom, calculated to rouse the one or influence the the clouds obscured only her own horizon, other, it is certainly that to which you have and did not go forth to spread the storm directed our attention.- Placed, by a afar. Gentlemen, this land was Poland; concourse of prodigies, at the close of the this people was yourselves; and what now drama, in which our country perished, be- are you? In vain our eyes look round on tween the yet recent cradle of one part of that assemblage whose reunion was once the that same country, and the tomb still open source of our glory. Alas! those whom of the other-the picture which we have we now see only remind us of those whom to present to you, the accents in which we we ought to see; and the feeble good which should address you, to be faithful, ought to we have been permitted to enjoy, only imparticipate in the awful mixture of Life and presses too strongly on us the loss which we Death. They ought, at the same time, to have sustained. But how has this disseverconvey hope and consolation to the hearts of ing of our country been wrought? How the victims, and terror to those of their has this great family, which even in all its oppressors, But that is not enough; it is divisions never separated,-which retained fit that there should be placed in your hand, its union even through ages of dissensions, the thread which is to conduct you towards-how has this powerful family looked on, the issue of the labyrinth of misfortune, into which you have been made to wander during half a century. Your footsteps must be firmly placed in the new path, which circumstances lay open before you. -Such is the extent of the relations, under which your Committee has viewed the labour you have committed to its charge. The Committee has felt, that they had to appear before Europe, as well as before you; before ages to come, as well as before the present generation; before nations, as well as before Sovereigns; they have said to themselves, above all, that they spoke before the greatest of Sovereigns, and before their own great Nation. They have felt all the sanctity of your cause, the mag-its only masters for the time to come. Eunitude of its results; and more sustained than terrified by those powerful motives, they come to lay at the feet of this Senate, a work, of which they wish to make an offering to the Country, in the persons of those, in whom it has placed its confidence and its hope.For a long time there had existed in the centre of Europe a celebrated nation, mistress of an extensive and fertile territory, renowned for the double fame of arts and arms, defending for ages the bar-ing with the stride of a giant towards counriers of Europe with an unwearied arm tries that had scarcely heard her very name. against the barbarians who raged round its With Peter the 1st the veil was raised, beborders, and by a feature of character as hind which an immense empire was form honourable as peculiar, never using its mi-ing, and where every thing excited the inlitary greatness to attempt against its neigh-habitants to renew on Europe the devas

and suffered itself to be torn asunder? What have been its crimes? What its Judges? What the right by which it has been attacked, invaded, blotted out from the list of states and people? Whence have come its oppressors and its chains? The indignant universe will answer you for us. Every state, every people, will tell you, that it thought it saw its tomb opening beside that of Poland. In the daring profanation of those laws on which all forms of society equally depend, in the insolent contempt with which they were trampled on to ruin us, the world might well think that it was to be given up to the sole empire of interests, and that those were to be

rope, terrified, and threatened, pointed out
above all to your just resentment that power
which, in crushing you, only prepared to
press upon her with a new impetus. We
must not doubt it; it is Russia which has
been the author of all our evils.
tent with the possession of a quarter of the
globe, the world itself would scarcely have
been large enough for her thirst of domi-
nion. For a century she had been advanc-

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