"other. The United States are sufficient-" and relentless system of retaliation. I "ly powerful to afford every security con- “doubt not your courage and firmness"sistent with their rights and your expec- "I will not doubt your attachment to li❝tations. I tender you the invaluable "berty. If you tender your services vo"blessings of civil, political, and religious "luntarily, they will be accepted readily. "liberty, and their necessary result, indi- "The United States offer you peace, liber"vidual and general prosperity. That li-"ty, and security; your choice lies between berty which gave decision to our councils," these and war-slavery and destruction. and energy to our conduct, in a struggle "Choose, then, but choose wisely; and "for independence, and which conducted" may He who knows the justice of our us safely and triumphantly through the cause, and who holds in his hand the stormy period of the revolution-that li-" fate of nations, guide you to a result the berty which has raised us to an elevated" most compatible with your rights and in"rank among the nations of the world;"terests, your peace and happiness. "and which afforded us a greater measure "of peace and security, of wealth and im63 provement, than ever fell to the lot of -In the name of my any country.

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"By the General,

"A. P. HULL, Capt. the 13th United "States' Regiment of Infantry and "Aid-de-Camp. Head-quarters, Sandwich, "July 12, 1812."

He, Sir, who will not believe in this, would not believe though one were to rise from the dead. This is an animating address, and, it is, at least, possible that it may prove the fore-runner of the fall of Canada, which, when once gone, will never, I believe, return to the English Crown.

The fact of war being now ascertained beyond all doubt, the next thing for us to think of is, the means by which we are to obtain peace with this new and most formidable enemy. The hired writers, unable any longer to keep from their readers the fact that war has taken place, are now affecting to treat the matter lightly; to make the people of England believe, that the Americans will be driven out of Canada ; that the people of America hate the war ; and that, at any rate, the Congress will be obliged to put an end to the war when the intelligence of the repeal of our Orders in Council shall arrive at the seat of the American government.

country, and by the authority of Govern- " ment, I promise you protection to your persons, 5, property, and rights. Remain at your homes-pursue your peaceful "and customary avocations-raise not your "hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and "independence we now enjoy. Being "children, therefore, of the same family "with us, and heirs to the same heritage, "the arrival of an army of friends must "be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. "you will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored to the dig"nified station of free men.Had I any "doubt of eventual success, I might ask "your assistance, but I do not. I come "prepared for every contingency-I have "a force which will look down all opposi"tion, and that force is but the van-guard "of a much greater. If, contrary to your own interests, and the just expectation "of my country, you should take part "in the approaching contest, you will "be considered and treated as enemies, "and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk before you. If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain be pur❝sued, and the savages let loose to murder our citizens and butcher our women and "children, this war will be a war of exter❝mination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalp. "ing knife will be the signal of one indis"criminate scene of desolation. No white "man found fighting by the side of an In"dian will be taken prisoner; instant de"struction will be his lot. If the dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, "cannot prevent the employment of a force "which respects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be prevented by a severe

These being the assertions now most in vogue and most generally listened to, I will give your Royal Highness my reasons for disbelieving them.

FIRST, as to the probability of the Americans being baffled in their designs upon Canada, if the contest was a contest of man to man, upon ground wholly neutral, I should say, that the advantage might be on our side; but, I am not sure that it would; for, the Americans have given repeated proofs of their courage. They are, indeed, known to be as brave as any people in the world. They are, too, volunteers, real volunteers, in the service they are now

Compensation for the property seized under our Orders in Council will, I think, be demanded; and, if the Orders be re-plaint which has, at last, in reality, procognized as a violation of the rights of duced the war between us and our AmeAmerica, I do not see upon what ground rican brethren. There have been many such compensation could be objected to; subjects of difference; many grounds of but, Sir, as far as relates to ourselves, I quarrel, but this is what finds its way to trust, that the means of making such com- the bearts of the American people. They pensation would not be demanded of the would, I verily believe, have endured all people, but would be taken from those but this; this, however, I knew they who have received the amount of the pro- would not endure, and I told your minisperty seized. With this, however, Ame-ters and the public so long ago. If I am rica has nothing to do: she can only de-asked whether I think, that the ceasing to mand compensation; but, she may extend impress people on board of American ships that demand to the amount of her expenses would cause many of our sailors to desert, I in fitting out ships of war and in raising answer, that I do not know; but, that I and sending forth an army. "Indemnity do not see why it should? I do not see why "for the past and security for the future" Englishmen should like the American seris, Sir, a phrase not unknown amongst vice better than our own. And, really, I

and-salt coat and a nice dimity waistcoat, knows a great deal more of our real situation than I believe many of your ministers know of it; and, I should not wonder if he knew almost as much of it as your Royal Highness's self does. He is a man, Sir, who is not to be led by our hireling prints; he sees our gold at above five pounds an ounce; he has seen acts passed which, in effect, force the circulation of our Bank notes; and, seeing this, he does not want any body to tell him what is

idea of our exhausting the resources of America, the capital of whose whole debt does not amount to a tenth part of one half year's interest upon our debt. This ground of hope is, Sir, more visionary than any other. Indeed, they are all equally visionary. There is no hope of any thing but loss and injury to us by a war with America.

must say, Sir, that I think, that to enter- | sleek-headed `man: though he wears neitain any such apprehension squares not well ther tails, nor bags, nor big wigs, nor with the tenor of our national songs about robes; though he dresses in a pepperthe valour and patriotism of our "tars." | I think it exceedingly humiliating to us to suffer it to be said, or to act as if we said, that we must retain the power of impressment, or personal seizure, on board American ships out at sea, for fear the giving up of that power should cause our fleet to be deserted. Sir, I am one of those who love to believe, that English seamen do not want force to induce them to fight for their country. It is, in my eyes, a most mortifying thing to proclaim to the world, that we are likely to have war with Ame-coming; seeing this he will laugh at the rica, and that we appear to prefer war with America to the giving up of the means of detecting and seizing English sailors, deserters from the King's service. This so badly comports with all our assertions respecting the freedom we enjoy, and also respecting our devotion to our King and our glorious constitution; for, it appears to me, that, if the world believe in the necessity of this power of impressment, it I have now done all that I am able to must think either that our boastings of our prevent this calamity. If the war proceed, blessed state are untrue, or, that our sailors I shall say as little about it as circumstances are not the most wise or the most loyal set will permit. I have lost no occasion of of men. I am for wiping off this stigma; endeavouring to put aside this evil; and, and, without crying or fainting away, as when the result of the contest shall be laSir Vicary Gibbs is reported to have done mented; when those who now rejoice at at Horsemonger Lane, I am for showing the idea of doing mischief to free men, the Yankees and the whole world, that we shall be weeping over their folly, I trust want no terror to keep our seamen to their that your Royal Highness will have the duty; that we are not afraid of their sculk-justice to remember, that this war had ing from our fleet to take refuge in Ame- always a decided opponent in your faithful rican ships; that we entertain not the dis- servant, graceful apprehension, that those who have once had the honour to sail under the royal flag of the House of Hanover will Botley, 15th September, 1812. ever prefer that of the American or any other republic.

Honour, Sir, as well as policy seem to me to dictate the giving up of this power; and, as the giving of it up might, and, as I think, would cause the restoration of peace between England and America, I will not be persuaded that such a measure does not accord with the wishes of your Royal Highness.

WM. COBBETT.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

PAPER AGAINST GOLD.By the last price current I see that the Gold Coin is now £5. 8s. the ounce in Bank notes. Of course a real guinea will sell for about £1. 10s. The following article from the Morning Chronicle of the 15th instant contains very curious matter upon this subject. "The scarcity of money becomes every day more and more inconvenient.

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As to the exhausting of the resources 1 of America, which now begins to be" sons, evidently agents, with great powtalked off by that most corrupt of news- "ers of drawing on London Bankers, have papers, the TIMES, I do most earnestly" opened accounts with Country Bankers, beseech your Royal Highness to bear in" for the purpose of getting their local mind how long the late PITT promised" notes; and with these they go into shops, this deluded nation that he would exhaust" fairs, and even Farmers' houses, to buy the resources of republican France! Sir," up guineas, as well as silver. They pay Mr. Madison, though a very plain-dressed," for them in these country bank notes,

Congress is the real representative of the people; there are no sham elections; no buyings and sellings of votes and of false oaths; but the members are the unbought, uncorrupted, unenslaved agents of the people, and, if they cease to speak the sentiments of those who elect them, they are put out of the Congress at the end of a very few months. It is, therefore, not only false, but stupid, to affect to believe that the war is unpopular, and that the govern ment is odious in the eyes of the people. The whole of the government is of the people. All its members are chosen by them; and, if it ceased to please them, it would soon cease to exist. Nothing, therefore, can be so absurd as to suppose that a measure so important as that of war has been adopted against the will of the people.

upon. The American army does not consist of a set of poor creatures, whom misery and vice have made soldiers; it does not consist of the off-casts and out-casts of the country. It consists of a band of freemen, who understand things, and who are ready to fight for what they understand; and not of a set of half-cripples; of creatures that require to be trussed up in order to prevent them from falling to pieces. It is the youth; the strong, the active, the hardy, the sound youth of America whom our army in Canada have to face; and, though I do not say, that the latter will be unable to resist them, yet I must say, that I fear they will not, when I consider, that the Americans can, with ease, pour in a force of forty or fifty thousand men, and when I hear it stated, that we have not above fourteen or fifteen thousand men in Canada, exclusive of the Militia, upon whom I do not know what degree of reliance is to be placed. After all, however, the question of success in the invasion of Canada, will, as in the cases of France and Holland, depend wholly upon the people of Canada. If they have reason to fight for their present government; if they be convinced, that a change of government would make their lot worse, they will, of course, rise and fight against the invaders, and then our commander may safely set General Hull at defiance; but, if the people of Canada should have been inveigled to believe, that a change of government would be for their benefit, I must confess that I should greatly doubt in our power of resistance. It will be quite useless for us to reproach the people of Canada with their want of zeal in defence of their country. We have reproached the Dutch, and the Italians, and the Hanoverians for the like; but, Sir, it answers no purpose. Such reproaches do not tend to drive out the invaders; nor do they tend to deter other natious from follow-ments or arguments by violence; by someing the example of the invaded party. What a whole nation wills must, sooner or later, take place.

This opinion has been attempted to be sustained upon the evidence of a riot at Baltimore, the object of which was the silencing of a news-paper, and the end of which was bloodshed on both sides. But, from this fact the exactly contrary conclusion ought to be drawn. The news-paper in question was, it appears, hostile to the war; and, therefore, a riot, in order to silence such paper, cannot be considered as a proof of unpopularity attached to the war. The truth appears to have been, that the editor of the paper was pretty notorious as being bribed to put forth what gave so much offence to the people, who were, upon this particular occasion, unable to imitate the tolerant conduct of their government. It was, however, very wrong to assail the corrupt tool by force. He should have been left to himself; for, though this species of attack upon the liberty of the press is far less injurious to that liberty than the base attacks, dictated by despotism, and masked under the visor of forms dear to freedom; still it is an attack; it is answering state

thing other than statement and argument. Therefore, I disapprove of the attack; but I cannot consider it as a mark of the unpopularity of the war, of the precise contrary of which it is, indeed, a very bad proof.

As to the SECOND assertion, that the people of America hate the war, I must say, that I have seen no proof of such hatred. Much having, in our hired news-papers, The Americans, being a reflecting people heen said of this riot; it having been reand a people resolutely bent upon preserv- presented as a proof of bad government in ing their freedom, have a general hatred of America, and (which is more to my prewar, as being, generally speaking, hostile sent purpose) as a sign of approaching anarto that freedom. But, in the choice of chy, tending to the overthrow of that goevils, if war should appear the least evil,vernment which has declared war against they will not fail to take it; and, indeed, they have taken it; for, in America, it is really the people who declare war; the

us, I must trespass a little further upon this head, to beg your Royal Highness to believe nothing that the hired men say upon