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must say, Sir, that I think, that to enter- sleek-headed man: though he wears neitain any such apprehension squares not well ther tails, nor bags, nor big wigs, nor with the tenor of our national songs about robes ; though he dresses in a pepperthe valour and patriotism of our “ tars.' and-salt coat and a nice dimity waistcoat, I think it exceedingly humiliating to us to knows a great deal more of our real situsuffer it to be said, or to act as if we said, ation than I believe many of your minisiers that we must retain the power of impress-kuow of it; and, I should not wonder if ment, or personal seizure, on board Ame- he knew almost as much of it as your rican ships out at sea, for fear the giving Royal Highness's self does. He is a man, up of that power should cause our feet to Sir, who is not to be led by our lireling be deserted. Sir, I am one of those who prints; he sees our gold at above five love to believe, that English seamen do pounds an ounce ; he has seen acts passed not want force to induce them to fight for which, in effect, force the circulation of their country. It is, in my eyes, a most our Bank notés; and, seeing this, he does mortifying thing to proclaim to the world, not want any body to tell him what is that we are likely to have war with Ame- coming; seeing this he will laugh at the rica, and that we appear to prefer war idea of our exhausting the resources of with America to the giving up of the means America, the capital of whose whole debt of detecting and seizing English sailors, does not amount to a tenth part of one deserters from the King's service. This so half year's interest upon our debt. This badly comports with all our assertions re- ground of hope is, Sir, more visionary specting the freedom we enjoy, and also than any other. Indeed, they are all respecting our devotion to our King and equally visionary. There is no hope of our glorious constitution; for, it appears any thing but loss and injury to us by a to me, that, if the world believe in the war with America. necessity of this power of impressment, it I have now done all that I am able to must think either that our boastings of our prevent this calamily. If the war proceed, blessed state are untrue, or, that our sailors I shall say as little about it as circuinstances are not the most wise or the most loyal set will permit. I have lost no occasion of of men.

I am for wiping off this stigma; endeavouring to put aside this evil; and, and, without crying or fainting away, as when the result of the contest shall be laSir Vicary Gibbs is reported to have done mented; when those who now rejoice at at Horsemonger Lane, I am for showing the idea of doing mischief to free men, the Yankees and the whole world, that we shall be weeping over their folly, I trust want no terror to keep our seamen to their that your Royal Highness will have the duty; that we are not afraid of their sculk justice to remember, that this war had ing from our fleel to take refuge in Ame- always a decided opponent in your

faithful rican ships ; that we entertain not the dis- servant, graceful apprehension, that those who have

WM. COBBETT. once had the honour to sail under the royal flag of the House of Hanover will Bolley, 15th Seplember, 1812. ever prefer that of the American or any other republic.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. Honour, Sir, as well as policy seem to PAPER AGAINST GOLD. -By the last * me to dictate the giving up of this power ; | price current I see that the Gold Coin is and, as the giving of it up might, and, as now £ 5. 8s. the ounce in Bank notes. Of I think, would cause the restoration of course a real guinea will sell for about peace between England and America, I £1. 10s. The following article from the will not be persuaded that such a measure Morning Chronicle of the 15th instant condoes not accord with the wishes of your tains very curious matter upon this subject. Royal Highness.

" The scarcity of money becomes every As to the exhausting of the resources " day more and more inconvenient. Per" of America, which now begins to be “sons, evidently agents, with great pow. talked off by that most corrupt of news ers of drawing on London Bankers, have papers, the Times, I do most earnestly opened accounts with Country Bankers, beseech your Royal Highness to bear in " for the purpose of getting their local mind how long the late Pitt promised " notes ; and with these they go into shops, this deluded nation that he would exhaust 6 fairs, and even Farmers' houses, to buy the resources of republican France: Sir, up guineas, as well as silver. They pay Mr. Madison, though a very plain-dressed, for them in these country bank notes,

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upon. The American army does not con- | Congress is the real representative of the sist of a set of poor creatures, whom mi- people; there are no sham elections ; 110 sery and vice have made soldiers; it does buyings and sellings of votes and of false not consist of the off-casts and out-casts of oaths; but the members are the unbought, the country. It consists of a band of free- uncorrupted, unenslaved agents of the peomen, who understand things, and who are ple, and, if they cease to speak the sentiready to fight for what they understand ; ments of those who elect them, they are put and not of a set of half-cripples; of crea out of the Congress at the end of a very tures that require to be trussed up in order few months. It is, therefore, not only to prevent them from falling to pieces. It false, but stupid, to affect to believe that is the youth; the strong, the active, the the war is unpopular, and that the governhardy, the sound youth of America whom menl is odious in the eyes of the people. our army in Canada have to face; and,' | The whole of the government is of the though I do not say, that the latter will be people. All its members are chosen by unable to resist them, yet I must say, that them; and, if it ceased to please them, it I fear they will not, when I consider, that would soon cease to exist. Nothing, therethe Americans can, with ease, pour in a fore, can be so absurd as to suppose that a force of forly or fifty thousand men, and measure so important as that of war has when I hear it stated, that we have not been adopted against the will of the people. above fourteen or fifteen thousand men in This opinion has been attempted to be Canada, exclusive of the Militia, - upon sustained upon the evidence of a riot at whom I do not know what degree of reli. Baltimore, the object of which was the siance is to be placed. After all, however, lencing of a news-paper, and the end of the question of success in the invasion of which was bloodshed on both sides. But, Canada, will, as in the cases of France and from this fact the exactly contrary conclus: Holland, depend wholly upon the people of sion ought to be drawn. The news-paper Canada. If they have reason to fight for in question was, it appears, hostile lo the their present government; if they be con war ; and, therefore, a riot, in order to sivinced, that a change of government would lence such paper, cannot be considered as a make their lot worse, they will, of course, proof of unpopularity attached to the war. rise and fight against the invaders, and then the truth appears to have been, that the our commander may safely set General Hull editor of the paper was pretty notorious as at defiance; but, if the people of Canada being bribed to put forth what gave so much should have been inveigled to believe, that offence to the people, who were, upon this a change of government would be for their particular occasion, unable to imitate the benefit, I must confess that I should greatly tolerant conduct of their government. Il doubt in our power of resistance. It will was, however, very wrong to assail the corbe quite useless for us to reproach the peo- rupt tool by force. He should have been ple of Canada with their want of zeal in left to himself; for, though this species of defence of their country. We have re- attack upon the liberty of the press is far proached the Dutch, and the Italians, and less injurious to that liberty than the base the Hanoverians for the like ; but, . Sir, it attacks, dictated by despotism, and masked answers no purpose. Such reproaches do under the visor of forins dear to freedom; not tend to drive out the invaders ; nor do still it is an allack ; it is answering statethey tend to deter other nations froni follow-ments or arguments by violence; by someing the example of the invaded party. thing other than statement and arguments What a whole nation wills must, sooner or Therefore, I disapprove of the attack; but later, take place.

I cannot consider it as a mark of the unpo-, As to the second assertion, that the peo- pularity of the war, of the precise contrary ple of America hate the war, I must say, of which it is, indeed, a very bad proof. that I have seen no proof of such hatred. Much laving, in our hired news-papers, The Americans, being a reflecting people heea said of this riot; it having been reand a people resolutely bent upon presery- presented as a proof of bad government in ing their freedom, have a general hatred of America, and (which is more to iny prewar, as being, generally speaking, hostile sent purpose) as a sigu of approaching anarto that freedom. But, in the choice of chy, tending to the overthrow of that go. evils, if war should appear the least evil, vernment which has declared war against they will not fail to take it; and, indeed, us, I must trespass a little further upon they have laken it; for, in America, it is this head, veg your Royal Higliness to really, the people who declare war; the believe nothing that the hired men say upon

the subject. When the war with France Highness my opinion, that the mere repeal began in 1793; that war which appears of the Orders in Council would not satisfy not to promise any end; when that war the people of America. Įt was, therefore, began, many riots took place in England with no small degree of surprise, that I saw against those who were opposed to the war; (from the reports in the news-papers), that many houses were destroyed; many print. Mr. Brougham had pledged himself to suping-offices demolished ; many booksellers port the ministers in a war against America, put to fight; many men were totally ruin- if she should not be satisfied with their ed, and that, too, by mobs marching and measure of repeal. I was surprised at burning and killing under banners on which this, because Mr. Brougham must have were inscribed “CHURCH AND KING." seen, that she complained of the impressNow, as there was not a general anarchy ment of her seamen, and of divers other to follow these things in England, I beg things, which she deemed to be injuries. your Royal Highness not to be persuaded to Besides, did Mr: Brougham imagine, that believe, that anarchy will follow the de- our two years' nearly of refusal to repeal molishing of a printing-office in the United were to go off without any thing done by States of America, where there are more us in the way of compensation? The hisnervs-papers than there are in all Europe, tory of the transaction is this: The Ame. this country included. Once more, how-rican President announces in 1810, that, ever, I express my disapprobation, and even unless we repeal our Orders by a certain my abhorrence, of that demolition ; which day, in the same way that France had was the less excusable, as the assailants had done, a certain law shall go into force freedom, real freedom of the press, to an- against us. We do not comply; we continue swer any thing which the bribed printer in what he calls a violation of his country's might publish, and even to publish an rights for a year and a half after the time account of his bribery. Such, however, appointed for repealing; at the end of that appears to have been the popular feeling in time an inquiry takes place in parliament, favour of the war, that no consideration and two volumes are published, containing was of sufficient weight to restrain the re, evidence of the ruinous consequences to us sentment of the people against a man who of the measure which America has adopted. was daily declaiming against that mea- Thereupon we repeal. But, Sir, Mr. sure.

Brougham can hardly want to be told, that · If we conclude, as, I think, we must, America has made no promise to be satisfied that the people of America were in favour with any repeal which should take place of the war at the time when it was declar- after her act should go into effect. Indeed, ed, the next thing to be considered is, what she has never made any such promise ; nor effect the intelligence of the repeal of our was it to be supposed, that, when she saw Orders in Council will have in America. that her measure of exclusion was ruining The question is, in short, whether that in- us, she would be content with our merely telligence will make such a change in the doing that which was calculated to save sentiments of the people of America as lo ourselves. This, in fact, is our language produce peace. I think it will not. There to her: we refused to repeal our Orders are some persons in England who seem to till we found that the not repealing of them believe, that the receipt of that intelligence was injurious to ourselves, and, therefore, will, at once, put an end to the war; for, we now repeal them, and, in consequence, they do not appear to consider any treaty call upon you to act as if we had never renecessary to the restoration of peace with fused. America.

This, Sir, is what no nation can be supNot only must there be a negociation posed to listen to. We do what America and a trealy, or convention, before there deems an injury; we do what she says is can be peace, or even a suspension of arms; sufficient to justify her in-declaring war but, I am of opinion, that no such treaty or against us. And, after a while, we deconvention will be made without inore sist; but notoriously because proof has being done by us than merely the repealing been produced that perseverance is injeof our Orders in Council, which removes rious lo ourselves. In the meanwhile she but a part, and not, by any means, the declares war to compel us to do that which greatest part, of the grievances of which we have done before we hear of her declathe Americans complain. So long ago as ration. And, under these circumstances, the inonth of February last, as will be seen can we expect her to disarm, until she has by my motto, I expressed to your Royal obtained something like indemnification for

"which they may do lawfully, and thuslation, Real gold and silver will not keep " the specie is collected from every part of company with our paper, unless one is to "the kingdom. It is suspected that these be bought and sold with the other, and

agents, unknown even to themselves, then each will fetch its real value. The

are employed by THE HIGHEST AU- Local Token bill must be repealed before 6.THORITY. This is the natural con- it goes into operation, or there must be a

sequence of the system which has been great issue of iokens some where to supply "pursued; and the consequence already the place of those now in circulation ; lor, "is, that every pound sterling which we otherwise no trade can possibly be carried " have to pay even to our own troops on. -Were it not for the national debt " abroad, costs us thirty shillings. Our all would be easily settled; but, indeed, "army, however, must be paid, and we it is that Debt which has made all the paper.

are so far involved that we must go on. They began together, and together they will " As soon as Parliament meets, which, live as long as they can. - What will be " whether there is a general Election or done about the pay of the Judges, &c. &c. “ not, must be before Christmas, some who have fixed annual, or daily, sums, I

strong measure must be adopted for the hardly know; for, if the gold should get "supply of specie. There is an idea of to about £7. 14s. an ounce, a one pound

calling in, und paying in Bank notes for note will be worth only half as much "all the plate in the Kingdom. But that as it used to be; and yet, times will not “ would obviously afford no relief—since if be very favourable to the raising of the " the price of bullion is the cause of the pay of any of the people in public employ

disappearance of specie now, it would ment. -When people talk of dearness,

equally disappear then; and the quantity they forget how the paper has fallen in " of plate in the Island is not great. value. If a guinea be worth 30s, a load This cannot be true ; or, at least, I think of wheat which sells for £30. does, in it impossible that any persons intrusted fact, sell for only about £20., and so on with any power above that of a ticket porter, as to other things.—Hume foretold exshould entertain the notions here ascribed actly what is now taking place; and I to the highest authority.—But, as to would advise the ministers to read his the state of the finances of the country, book. They will derive much more profit there is no exaggeration there. This part from him than from the Morning Chroof our public concerns is fast drawing to a nicle, who now complains of our system. crisis. When a guinea is worth 30s. men Alas! Mr. Perry, it is too late to recover ought to look about them. This, though things. Pitt decided its fate. It may be the natural consequence of war, and though made to go on a little faster or a little the thing must be made more and more slower ; but its end will be the same; and desperate by the continuance of war, is one all that is worth talking about is, what are of the grand impediments to peace. It the consequences that it will produce as to was, indeed, one of the real causes of this the liberty and independence of the napresent war. The paper is in such a state tion. This is indeed a question worthy of that it cannot support itself against the being discussed by men of real wisdom; effects of a free intercourse with France. but the Prince Regent will, I am afraid,

-I do not see any reason to suppose, look about him in vain for many 'men of that the depreciation will not proceed as that description. If there were a man in rapidly as it has done for two years last power endued with profound insight as to past. ' It began to be sensibly felt and this subject; a man capable of foreseeing clearly understood very soon after I was what would happen and of providing acshut up in Newgate, for the cause mention- cordingly, he would have in his hands ed in the last page of this Register. The more power to do good than ever before matter was then made so very plain, that fell to the lot of a human being. One those began to see who had been blind all thing is certain, that every man in the the days of their lives. So that, there country thinks that some great change is at was, at any rate, one good that resulted hand. Every man thinks this, except from my suffering. I made clowns able those men who never think beyond their financiers; or, at least, as able as Pitt and own particular interests, and who occupy his set, if not a little more so. - To re- in the creation a rank little superior to that turn to the matter before us ; the buying up of the badger or the otter. Of men who of the plate would be nonsense. It would do think, who have minds, and who exdisappear the moment it got into circu- tend their wishes to the well-being of

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others; who have some sentiment of ho- wherever we pleased, till the cruel disrenour, who know what freedom and what gard of some English Gentlemen to the country mean; of sucli men there is not comforts of their fellow-prisoners, occaone, who does not expect to see some great sioned our being confined in fortresses on event in England; but, no one has an their effecting their escape.--I had passed opinion as to what it is to be. It is truly more than two years in the fortress of Vercurious to observe with what eagerness dun, when I learnt that Mr. Fox had, at those who still adhere to the name of Pitt the command of the Prince of Wales, to get rid of every topic connected with the whose gracious interference I am proud to paper-money. They are afraid to think owe my liberation from captivity, applied on the subject. But, their avoiding it will for and obtained my return to England on not prevent what is to happen. The parole of honour, to go back to France remedy of which I possess the knowledge whenever my return should be demanded. would do much ; but, I do not fatter my. A similar parole was signed by the Earl of self that it will ever be called for in a way Elgin and General Abercromby, and we that shall induce me to divulge it,

sailed together from Morlaix in May, 1806. WM. COBBETT. Upon my being sent back to Paris, almost

immediately afterwards, by Mr. Fox, I deBolley, 16th September, 1812.

manded and obtained my release from this
parole, as a necessary preliminary to my
being under the protection afforded by the

Law of Nations to diplomatic Agents.
LOND YARMOUTH's Letter

Since it has thus become necessary for me
To the Editor of the Courier.

to recur to the year 1806, I take this opSir-Your Paper of yesterday, which I portunity of adding to the papers, then have just seen on my return from Windsor, published, the instructions accompanying contains, under the head Foreign News, Mr. Fox's dispatch of the 18th July. These this extract from the Gazelle de France, as instructions I owe it to myself to publish serting as impudent and scandalous a false- in refutation of the charge once advanced, hood as any that ever disgraced the press : and now revived, of having, contrary to

-“ Lord Yarmouth, and his worthy imi- the tenor of my instructions, produced His tators, obtained their liberty under the Majesty's full powers at a time when (22d

guarantee of their parole. In violating July) no choice remained but to do so or " that guarantee, they have offended the break off the negociation. It will, of 66 delicate sentiment of honour. Lord Yar- course, be remembered, that M. D'Oubril “ mouth was the first to set an example, so had then concluded a treaty, and that he 66 much the more fatal, as its author is of used all the weight belonging to the Mi.66 the most elevated rank." --I have al- nister of so great a friendly power, to ways avowed, both at Verdun and at home, obtain an official character to be attached my opinion, that the detention of the Eng- to the British negociation. No obloquy lish in 1803, however cruel, by its being could induce me, for obvious reasons, to a measure never resorted to ou former occa- make this document public in 1806-7 ; it

sions, was justified by the seizure of French is now harmless, and I have a right to add ?, property and French subjects in British it to the official papers of that year.

ports, before our Ambassador had ceased The story of M. de Clermont and the snuffto exercise the functions of his high office box, in 1811, is private, and of no moat Paris. This opinion left me no pretext, ment, nor should I notice it, but that the however miserable, for the breach of a pa- pen is in my hand. It is entirely unrole of honour. Since, however, a charge founded, never having received that or of its violation has been brought forward any other mark of the French Emperor's in the French papers, and repeated with recollection or approbation, then or at any various comments in the English, I am other time.--I have the honour to be, compelled to clear myself, which I shall do Sir, your obedient humble servant, in a few words, premising, that I can sup

YARMOUTH. port my assertion by the original passports London, 13th August, 1812. signed by the French Minister. 1803 the English in France were declared P. S. It is usual to direct one's letter to prisoners of war, and as such gave their some friend who will give it publicity; I parole of honour.–For several months I have taken a shorter course, that of seudand many others were permitted to reside ing it to the press in the first instance,

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-In May

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