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upon the Royal Prerogative. 3dly, It is a falsehood to say, that we aim at making both Houses, and even the Crown elective; it is a sheer, an impudent, an unqualifiable falsehood; and he might as well have said, that we aimed at placing the Lords and the King to exercise legislative and executive powers in the moon.

"expected that he should say something | 1. It is a falsehood to say, that the Re"on the nature of our Constitution. He formers (for it is us whom he manifestly has "knew that many well intentioned, and in view) argue, that there are defects in the "well informed men too, argued that there Constitution. We say the reverse; we are great defects in our Constitution. He say, that the constitution is what we want; "did not think so. He thought it needed no and we say that the constitution gives us "alteration. In addressing the largest un- what we now have not.-2ndly, It is a false"represented town in the united kingdom, hood to say, that we look upon all power "he should have hazarded the expression as being legitimately lodged in the House of this sentiment with fear and trembling, of Commons. We say, on the contrary, if he had not been aware, that he was that the House of Commons ought by no "addressing men of sense and liberality, means to arrogate to itself many of the "who knew the value of being CITIZENS powers that it now exercises; and we stre"OF REPRESENTED ENGLAND.-nuously contend against its encroachments [Loud applause.]-The evils, which are so loudly complained of, by some "men, he said, do not exist. Some men "think that all power is lodged in the "House of Commons, he must confess he "did not think so. It was the national "guardian, to watch the ministers of the "crown; it was the organ of popular opi"nion; it was to watch the interests of the "community; to act as if delegated by the "whole nation; and not as if composed of "Delegates from Independent States. "[LOUD APPLAUSE.] The House of "Commons, as now formed, he conti"nued, cannot be altered without changing "the very nature, and destroying the balance of the Constitution of the Country. "They who contend for universal repre"sentation, virtually say, that the crown itself should be elective. They would "reduce the Constitution at once to a "crowned republic. Such innovations he "did hope and trust, would be resisted at all times by the House of Commons, with a voice of thunder that should be "imperative. He was not prepared, he "said, to say, that some little amendment "might not be adopted with propriety in "the mode of chusing the representatives "of the Commons in Parliament; yet it "ought never to be forgot for a single mo"ment, that England has flourished under "the present Constitution, with her re"presentatives so elected, in such a way, "that she has become the envy of all the "nalions of the earth, for her singular su"periority, and for the many blessings she "exclusively enjoys."

"

There was, in the speech, one attempt at deception. The speaker resorted to the old trick of representing the members of the House of Commons as the REPRESENTATIVES OF ALL ENGLAND, a trick which seems to have received great applause. Let us, therefore, examine this a little.

He told you, that it was unconstitutional to consider the members as delegates from independent states. Well, and what then? Who has ever contended that they ought to be so considered? But, what has this to do with the question at issue? We do not say, that the members ought to be considered as delegates from separate states; we never amuse ourselves with any such idle fancies. We say, according to the dictates of honesty and common sensé, that they ought to represent the people of England and Scotland and Ireland, who pay taxes, because they have the power of voting away those taxes; and, accordingly, we say, that they ought to be chosen by this description of persons, and that it is a base and outrageous insult to our understandings to tell us that we are represented by those in the choosing of whom we have had nothing to do, We know, that, after beating round through all the distinctions Mr. Canning is, perhaps, the most im- and definitions respecting governments, we pudent man, and he has, perhaps, more find this position unquestionably true, of what is called brass, than any other namely, that the only infallible mark of man, that ever addressed a public meet- distinction between freemen and slaves, is ing; yet, he never did, that I remember, this, that the former cannot have any porutter before any thing so impudent, so tion of their property taken from them insulting to the public, as this. Let us without their own consent; whereas the begin with the downright falsehoods. property of the latter is subject to the ar

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bitrary will of others, who rule under the "envy" has been made apparent. It is a name of monarchy, aristocracy, &c. Ac- falsehood; an old battered falsehood; a cordingly, all the eulogists of our constitu- falsehood as gross as any of the frauds and tion of government, all those who have rogueries of priests (before the reforwritten about our freedom, have said, that mation, of course,) and it is intended for no Englishman is taxed without his own much about the same purpose, namely, consent. This is the great principle of the that of plundering the people. "Envy of constitution of England. But, if what all the nations of the earth," indeed! Mr. Canning says be true, this maxim is a And what nation has ever said that she enmockery. In what way is it pretended vied us? For what do they envy us; that we give our consent to the taxes laid" For our singular superiority, and for upon us? Why, to be sure, by the mouths" the many blessings we exclusively enjoy." of the members of the House of Commons; This prating gentleman did not think pro- *. but, how can those of us give our consent per to be particular in the statement of in this way, who are not permitted to vole these blessings; and I believe it would for any of those members? "REPRE- have puzzled him to have named one. "SENTED ENGLAND," indeed! Citizens of represented England! So! This political empiric would persuade you, that you are represented by the members, elected at Gatton, St. Maws, and Old Sarum; that you are represented by men returned to Parliament in the same way that QUINTIN DICK was returned to Parliament But, this is too impudent to speak of with any share of patience.

But England has flourished, it seems, under this mode of electing members of Parliament. And where are the marks of her flourishing condition? In the present state of the paper-money; in the two millions of paupers which are languishing in England and Wales alone; in the endless number of seizures made on account of default of the payment of the King's taxes; in the enormous burdens which the people have to bear; in the lists of Bankrupts which swell the Gazette; in the twenty years' war, which, after having destroyed all our allies, has made our enemy so formidable to us, that, even according to Mr. Canning's own declaration, though we are suffering by the war, we dare not make peace? But, it is to insult your understandings to dwell longer upon assertions so notoriously false; I, therefore, conclude, with expressing my hope, that the Town of Manchester may never again suffer itself to be disgraced by listening to a similar ha

If the people of England are represented by men whom they do not choose; if the Town of Manchester, for instance, who submitted to the insults of Mr. Canning and his associates; if it be sufficient for the Town of Manchester to be represented by persons chosen without any participation on the part of the Town of Manchester, why should there be any elections at all; why should any town or any county have any thing to say in the Election of Members of Parliament; why might not the electors of Old Sarum as well elect all the members at once; or rather, why might not the mi-rangue; but, whether it does or not, I am nister of the day appoint the members of Parliament; in short, why should there be any Parliament at all? This is so glaring that it is unworthy of further comment; it is so impudent and profligate that it never could have been uttered but in the presence of men well known to be steeped in corruption to their very lips.

Mr. Canning concludes with the old assertion, that, whatever may be the defects in the representation, England has flourished under it; and that she has become the envy of all the nations in the world. A thousand times, at least, in the course of every year, I should suppose, this assertion is made by the hired authors of newspapers, magazines, reviews, and other publications, but I defy any one of these hirelings to point out a single instance; aye, one single instance, wherein this

quite certain, that the day is not far distant, when its industrious inhabitants will, with voice unanimous, execrate the day that gave birth to the faction whose principles were, with so much effrontery, inculcated upon this occasion.

WM. COBBETT. Bolley, Thursday, 12th Nov. 1812.

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prise and concern-of surprise, because | though I knew your Lordship entertained doubts, as to the practicability of the measure, I did not imagine you would represent it as a "new-fangled Theory,"-of concern, because I feel myself compelled publicly to differ from a man for whose public, and private character, I do, and have ever felt the greatest esteem.

It has been my anxious wish, my Lord, on every account, that some person more competent than myself, had entered the list on this occasion-but as no public notice seems to have been taken of your Lordship's sentiments upon this head, I should think it a mean abandonment of the great cause 1 have most sincerely espoused, if I did not raise my voice, "weak though it be," in opposing them.

Happily, my Lord, the authorities which have induced me to espouse the cause of Parliamentary Reform, lay in the narrowest compass-they are within the comprehensions of all ranks in society-there is nothing perplexed or mysterious about them, and your Lordship must hear them, where I found them, (if I have not been most egregiously deceived), in the voice of wisdom, and the laws of my country.

Your Lordship is reported to have said, in the course of your canvass, and on the day of nomination at York, "That in the Jast Parliament, one subject had been discussed, on which the passions of the people had been raised by persons who endeavoured to fill them with fancies, which had no solid foundation,"-"That, under the present constitution" (the present practical one, I presume) "you trusted, we shall ever be content to live without endangering it by visionary improvements," and that "If any man in the vanity of his own heart, thought he could make a better constitution than the one under which we had so long lived and flourished, you trusted you should not be reckoned among his friends or sup'porters."*

The Reformers of England, my Lord, have not the vanity to suppose that they can make a better Constitution than the one under which it was intended they should live-they want no other, but they do want that Constitution, the essence of which consists in two points :

1st. The English Constitution provides, That no man shall suffer punishment in any way, unless he be guilty of an offence known to the laws.

Leeds Mercury, Oct. 17, 1812.

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These are the Rights and Liberties of Englishmen. How does the Constitution say they are to be preserved? By a third provision.

3dly. That the People shall be represented in a Commons House of Parliament.'

Such, according to my conception, my Lord, are the great and solid advantages to be derived from the Constitution of Eng land; and it is very easy to perceive, that as far as regards the safety either of the persons or property of the people, all must depend upon this-whether the members of the House of Commons be, or be not, really chosen by the people themselves The friends of Reform therefore say :1st. That by the laws and statutes of this realm, the subject has settled in him a fundamental right of property, so that without his consent it shall not be taken from him.

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2dly. That he shall not be compelled to contribute to any Tax, Talliage, or other like charge not set by CoMMON CONSENT in Parliament. 3dly. That in Parliament all the whole body of the realin, and EVERY PARTICULAR MEMBER thereof, either in PERSON or by DEPUTATION, are by the laws of this realm supposed to be personally present. 4thly. That by the. present state of the representation, the subject's fundamental right. of property is openly violated-since it is a fact which cannot be denied, that numbers are taxed by Parliament, who have no voice in the election of Members of Parliament.

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The three former of those propositions the friends of Reform conceive they can establish by a reference to the Common Law and the statutes of the Land.

The ablest commentators on the laws and Constitution of England have never failed to dwell upon the security which they afford to the fundamental right of property, as one of their most distinguished excellencies, and as the strongest proof that they were founded in the principles of freedom.

Upon this principle Fortescue (Chancellor to Henry 6th, who wrote his celebrated treatise de laudibus legum Angliæ, expressly to instruct the young Prince in the laws

and Constitution of his country) says, That the advantage of that political mixed Government which prevails in England is, that no one can alter the laws, or make new ones, without the CONSENT of the WHOLE KINGDOM in Parliament assembled." Gap. ix. xii. xiv. xxxvi.

Upon the same principle Sir Edward Goke concludes, passim, "That the CoмMON LAW of England settleth a freedom in the subject, and giveth a true property in their goods and estates, so that without their CONSENT OF IMPLICITLY by an ordinance which they consented unto by a CoмMON ASSENT in PARLIAMENT, it cannot be taken from them or their estates charged.

So much for the Common Law.

I shall now proceed to submit to your Lordship, the Statutes which the friends of Reform consider as confirmatory of the Peo ple's Right to be either PERSONALLY or by DEPUTATION present in the Parliament.

1.-53 William I. An. 4.
2. Magna Charta, Art. 4.

3. Magna Charta, confirmed by Henry
III. c. 37.
4.-Statute of Westminster, An. 3 Ed.
I. c. 5. where the King directs, upon
pain of grievous forfeiture, since Elec-
tions ought to be FREE, "That no
great man, or others, by force of
arms, menaces or malice, disturb FREE
ELECTION."-. West. c. 5.

-Satutum de tallagio non concedendo
34 Edw. I. c. 1.
6.-25 of Edw. I.

7.-1 Henry IV. Parl. R. 1. No. 36.
8.-1 Henry IV. c. 3 and 4. Nos. 21,

22.

9.7 Henry IV. c. 14. 10.-39 Henry IV. c. 1.

11. Preamble to the 1st of James I. c. 1. 12.-PETITION OF RIGHT, 3 Charles I. c. 14.

13.-Declaration of the Prince of Orange, afterwards Will. III. Art. 18. “All ELECTIONS of Members of Parliament ought to be FREE-To be made with AN ENTIRE LIBERTY without any sort of force, or the REQUIRING the electors to chuse such persons as shall be NAMED to them.'-King William's Declaration for restoring the Laws and Liberties of England. 14. The Bill of Rights Declaring that election of Members of Parliament ought to be free."-Bill of Rights,

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C. 8-13.00 The pith and marrow of these early laws appear to have been condensed in the in

troduction to that Act of Parliament which I have already cited, and by which the descent of the crown to James I. was recognized. "As we cannot (say the Lords and Commons of that day) too often and enough, so can there be no ways or means so fit both to sacrifice our hearty thanks to Almighty God, for blessing us as well with a ́ Sovereign, adorned with the rarest gifts of mind and body, in such admirable peace and quietness, &c. &c. &c. as in this High Court of Parliament, where all the whole body of the realm and EVERY PARTICULAR MEMBER thereof, either in PERSON or by REPRESENTATION (upon their own FREE ELECTIONS) are supposed to be PERSONALLY PRESENT. Statute 1 James I. c. 1.

Here, then, my Lord, the right of the nation to be represented in Parliament is recognised. This can be effected only in one of two ways, either actually or virtually. If our ancestors had meant to recognise no more than a virtual representation, it would have been sufficient if the statute had said, "That in Parliament all the whole body of the realm are deemed to be present either in person or by representation." Now, with the additional words, the sentence tells us not only that the whole body of the realm are deemed to be in Parliament by Representation-but every PARTICULAR MEMBER thereof PERSONALLY, or in his PERSONAL RIGHT by REPRESENTATION. Now, is it possible to contend, that these additional words expressed no more than a right to a virtual representation? are these words to be considered as a mere surplusage? Is there no difference between the proposition, that the nation has a right to be present in Parliament as a CORPORATE BODY, and that which affirms that ever, individual of that nation has a right to be present in his PERSONAL CAPACITY?" If, then, this sentence has different meanings, as it is either with or without the additional words-if these meanings are not only different but repugnant-if without the additional words, it would affirm, the right to a virtual representation, which is our opponent's proposition, and if with the words it would declare a right to an actual Representation, which is our principle; and if, in fact, these words are a part of the statute, then must the inference be in our favour;-then we are bound to conclude, that they meant to do that, which in point of fact they have done, by this memorable statute-assert the Right which the People of England have, by their Constitution and Laws, to a REAL and ACTUAL parliamentary representation.

Surely, then, my Lord, it is burning day-light to prove, that the old Law did intend to entail upon the whole body of the realm, and every particular member thereof, the great Right for which I contend. Could, however, the policy which dictated the laws, or the laws which declare the policy of our forefathers, stand in need of additional support, the proudest and most venerable authorities which the English name can boast, are at hand to give it. Let us, then, my Lord, place Mr. John Locke in our front rank-Mr. John Locke, the avowed champion of that "ancient constitution, (as your Lordship observed) esta blished at the Revolution, and which may be considered as the consolidation of our liberty."

Thus, to regulate Candidates and Electors," (i.e. according to the mode which prevailed before the Prince of Orange arrived, a mode too similar to our present practical one) "what is it," says this great Englishman," but to cut up the Government by the roots and poison the very fountain of public security. For the people having reserved to themselves the Choice of their Representatives, as the Fence to their properties, could do it for no other end, but that they might always be Freely Chosen, and so chosen, freely act."-Locke on Government, p. 2, and 222.

any man affirm that that is now the fact? that that relation is preserved ?—My Lords, it is not Preserved, it is Destroyed.”—See Debrett, v. v. p. 154-5. `·

"A Borough, fon another occasion, exclaimed this great patriot), which, per-' haps, no man ever saw, this is what I call the Rotten Part of our Constitution.-It cannot continue a century; if it does not drop off, it must be amputated."-See Debrett, v. iv. p. 291.

"Nothing can endanger our Constitution, but destroying the equilibrium of power between one branch of the Legislature and the rest. If ever it should happen that the independence of any one of the three should be lost, or that it should become subservient to the views of either of the other two, there would be an end of the Constitution."-Blackstone.

"Nor, my Lord, is the doctrine New, (said Lord Camden), it is as Old as the Constitution; it grew up with it; it is its support. Taxation and Representation are inseparably united. God hath joined them. No British Parliament can put them asunder-to endeavour to do it is to stab our vitals!"-Lord Camden's Speech on American Taxation.

"It is material to us (said Mr. Burke) to be represented really and bona fide, and not in forms and types, and figures and Mr. Locke appears to have caught the fictions of law. The right of election was above metaphor from Sir E. Coke, 4 Insti- not established as a mere matter of form, tute, 23, where he says, "Thomas Long it was not a principle which might substi gave the Mayor of Westbury four pounds tute a Titius or a Marius, a John Doe or a to be elected Burgesse. This matter was Richard Roe, in the place of a man speadjudged in the House of Commons, secun- cially chosen, not a principle just as well dum consuetudinem Parliamente the satisfied with one man as another. It is a Right, the effect of which is to give to the people that man and that man only, whom by their own voices Actually not Construc tively given, they declare that they know, esteem, love, and trust."-Thoughts on the present Discontents, p. 304, 305.

Mayor fined and imprisoned, and Long removed. For this Corrupt Dealing was Poyson to the very Fountain itself."

Tempora mutantur, however, my Lord, these things, we are now told, are as "no lorious as the Sun at noon-day," and the Mayor of Westbury, doubtless, at present makes his return without any apprehen

sions.

The Constitution of this country (exclaimed our virtuous and patriotic countryman, Sir Geo. Saville,) reminds me strongly of an ancient and stately oak near my house, though to all appearance green and flourishing without-is all ROTTENNESS and CORRUPTION within."

"Whoever understands the theory of the English Constitution (said Lord Chatham), and will compare it with the practice, must see at once how widely they differ. We must reconcile them to each "The defect of Representation (said other, if we mean to preserve the LIBERTIES Mr. Pitt, in 1782,) is the national dis of this Country; we must reduce our Poli- ease, and unless you apply a remedy di tical Practice as near as possible to our Po-rectly to that disease, you must inevitably litical Principle. The English Constitution intended that there should be a Permanent Relation between the Constituent and Representative body of the People; will

take the consequences with which it is pregnant.-Without a Parliamentary Reform, the nation will be plunged into NEW WARS; without a Parliamentary Reform,

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