urged against that very act of Parliament which authorized, and which still authorizes, the King to make a will. Sir Francis Burdett does not presume to say, that the Prince is going to die; he knows that the Prince may live a great number of years; but, he also knows, that he may die in a week's or a day's time; and, anxious, as he has always shewn himself to be, to se ing the Morning Chronicle, asserted, that SIR FRANCIS BURDETT had resolved never again to enter the Houses of Parliament, and never again appear at a Public dinner. The Public have already seen the proof of the falsehood of these assertions; and, they will not be long before they will see the proof of as gross falsehood in the above paragraph. Easy as it was to suppose, that these hirelings would endeavour to at-cure the Grown in the enjoyment of all its tribute a bad motive to any act of this most just rights and prerogatives, he wishes, in formidable enemy of the whole tribe of case of that event, to provide against a rehirelings, it really does strike one with currence of those interregnums which we astonishment that any body should be at have before seen take place. It is, besides, once so foolish and so wicked as the author time that the people should begin to have of this paragraph appears to be.He their eyes fixed upon her who is to be their sets out with saying, that it would be to future Sovereign; it is time, that she should abuse common sense to offer a hint at the be introduced to her future people; and, motives of Sir Francis; and, the moment therefore, it is proper that a proposition of he has said that, he begins distinctly to as- this sort should be made and discussed.sert what those motives are; and, having We are told by this writer that the subject thus resolved to abuse common sense, he is of too delicate a nature to admit of pretells us that the motives are, to disturb the mature discussion. But, in what way is it country, to agitate the minds of men, and too delicate! I see nothing of great delito introduce confusion and disunion!· cacy in it any more than in any other proAnd does the reader believe, that these ef- vision respecting a Regency. If, indeed, fects are to be produced by a timely and the Princess Charlotte were not the undispassionate discussion of the question of doubted heiress to the Throne; if there who ought to be Regent, in the event of were any other persons to dispute the title the Prince's death? Does he believe, that with her; if there were any apprehension the country will be disturbed, and that con- of rivals of any sort; then, indeed, to agifusion and disunion will arise, from a pro- tate the question, though very necessary position to settle the Regency of the King- even in that case, might tend to create disdom in the person of the undoubted heiress union; but, being, as she undoubtedly is, to the Throne, especially when it is consi- the only person in whose behalf, after her dered, that, as it is said, the young Princess Father, any claim can be raised to the posis endowed with extraordinary powers of session of the Throne, it is impossible, I mind for her age! Does the reader disco- think, for any one to believe, that disunion ver symptoms of disloyalty in a proposition can be created in the country by the inlike this?The hireling talks of "in- tended motion. Yet has this hireling flammatory speeches," and " endeavours the audacity to charge Sir Francis with a to disseminate base poison;" and by "treacherous design," and to call upon what means? Why, truly, by proposing, those "who have more authority than himthat the heiress to the throne shall come "self, to stifle it by manly resistance." into the Regency as a matter of course, Who it is that he means here as being pôswithout any delays and debates, in case of sessed of such authority, I cannot tell; but her Father's death. It is very hard to see I am quite sure, that no such authority will! how such a proposition should give rise to be found to exist; and, indeed, it would be inflammatory speeches," or how it should curious to hear any one in authority daring serve as the vehicle of "base poison.". enough to attempt to stifle such a design. This writer says that the measure is unne-Treacherous, indeed! and towards whom? cessary, and that it is not within the calculation of human probability that it should become necessary. So, because we cannot calculate, with any degree of precision, how long the Prince will live, we are to make no provisions for the carrying on of the government in case of his death. The same argument might be urged against any man's making a will, and surely might have been Towards the Crown it cannot be treacherous, because its necessary tendency is to inculcate in the minds of the people the doctrine of lineal succession. Towards the ministers and their master, it cannot be Treacherous, because it is openly avowed. It can, indeed, be Treacherous towards nobody; and it can be considered as hostile towards none but that oligarchy, whose in terest it is to keep the Crown and all the members of the Royal Family as inuch as possible dependent upon its will. What do the people of England want but to see the succession to regal power clearly marked out? We all remember, the loud complaints, which were made only about two years ago against the ministers for having, as it was alleged, carried on the government for a considerable length of time, without any one to exercise the functions of Royalty. And, ought not provision, therefore, to be made to prevent the recurrence of that reprobated state of things? Ought not provision to be made for the preventing of a repetition of those scenes, which took place at the establishment of the present Regency? And ought an endeavour to effect such a provision to be represented as the "spreading of venom injurious to the wholesome body of the state?"— I do not say, that the discussion of this proposition may not give rise to the agitation of matters of great delicacy, deeply interesting to the Royal Parents of the Lady whose rights it is the principal object of the intended motion to secure. But, while I do not see the necessity of this; while I do not see its necessity, I am far from saying, and I am far from thinking, that such agitation would be, or could be, at all "injurious to the wholesome body of the state;" seeing that, as it appears to me, the agitation of these matters, and that, too, with unlimited freedom, must take place sooner or later. The agitation of these matters has found its way into print. Out of print it cannot be put; the thing must make its appearance before the world; and the sooner it does so the better; because most of the parties, concerned in the matters in question, are now living; there are now the means of clearing up every thing to the satisfaction of the people and of the world; and in a few years, those means may no longer exist. Therefore, if even this consequence were to follow from the intended motion of Sir Francis Burdett, the motion would, in my opinion, be only rendered thereby the more proper.These observations I should have considered premature, had it not been for the publication of the article, out of which they have arisen. The subject is one of extreme importance, and, in all its stages of discussion, I shall not fail, I hope, to give to it all the attention which it merits, as well on account of the person who has brought it forward as on that of the parties more immediately interested in it. I should, therefore, have carefully avoided expressing, at this time, any opinion at all upon the subject; but I trust the reader will be ready to acknowledge, that it was necessary to say thus much in answer to the malignant paragraph above quoted. GERMAN TROOPs.— The reader will bear in mind, that after the Battle of Salamanca, an order was issued from the Horse Guards, stating, that, in consequence of the German Legion having frequently distinguished itself during the war in the Peninsula, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent' had been pleased to direct, that the Officers of the corps of that Legion should HAVE PERMANENT RANK IN THE ENGLISH ARMY.- -I observed at the time of issuing the order, that this, if I understood the meaning of the words, was not lawful, and that, to give effect to the Order, an act of Parliament must be passed.. Since the new Parliament assembled, a discussion has taken place upon this subject, in consequence of a motion of Lord Folkestone, who is entitled to the thanks of the nation for the watchfulness he has constantly shewn in regard to the employing of Foreign Troops in this kingdom.Before I enter upon an account of the debate to which I now aliude, it will be necessary, in order to a clear understanding of the matter, briefly to state what the law is. -FIRST, then, the law, as contained in the act of Settlement, passed in the 12th and 13th of William the 3d, and which act, be it observed, expresses the conditions, upon which the House of Brunswick should succeed to the throne of England; the law, as laid down in that act, expressly says, that no Foreigner shall hold, under the Crown of these kingdoms, any office, or place of trust, civil or military. And, I beg the reader to observe, that this act is entitled, an act for further limiting the Crown, and better securing the rights and liberties of the people; so that, in order better to secure the rights and liberties of the people, it was thought necessary to prohibit the Crown from employing Foreigners as officers in the army, in case the House of Brunswick succeeded to the Throne. Thus stood the law, when, in 1804, an act was passed to authorize the King to embody certain Foreigners into corps, and to employ them in his service. This was the act under which those troops called the German Legion were raised. It authorized the King to put the men thus raised under the command of Foreign Officers, and, of course, of much greater importance to those liber-, ties than are the events in Spain and Portugal, and, perhaps, even those in Russia and Poland.Lord FOLKESTONE, as will be seen in the account of the debate, complained that the German officers were now, to have permanent rank, and that they were shouldering out our own officers and taking the command of our own armies. Lord PALMERSTON, the Secretary at War, did not, it seems, think it proper to support the Order from the War-office, and explained it to mean, not that the German officers were to have real rank after the end of this, war, as Lord Folkestone supposed, and as I supposed, and as Mr. Canning said he supposed, and as every body else supposed; but that the Order meant merely, that those officers should, after the war, have their names printed in the army list according to the rank which they had borne before the end of the war.—But, why was it not so expressed in the Order? Why did not the Order say this? The Order said no such thing; and, indeed, as far as words have a definite meaning, the Order said just the contrary. It said, "that those officers, now serving with TEMPORARY it departed from the act of Settlement in this respect, because, it sanctioned the putting of Foreigners into places of military trust in this kingdom. I must observe here, too, that this was a bill of indemnity; for the King, or rather his ministers, had actually raised the corps and appointed the officers before the act was passed, and by the act the Parliament indemnified them for having done so! However, the act was passed, and it became legal for the King to give military trust to Foreigners as Officers in these particular corps; but, that the act extended no farther, that it did not authorize the King to give them military trust any where else than in these corps, is quite clear from the preamble of the bill itself, which states, that the King shall be authorized to give Foreigners places of military trust in these corps, BECAUSE THEY UNDERSTAND THE LANGUAGE AND MANNERS OF THE MEN OF WHOM THE CORPS ARE TO BE COMPOSED. -Under the sanction of this act, however, or, at least, since this act was passed, Foreign Officers have been put upon the General staff; they have had commands given them in the districts of England; they have commanded at reviews in Eng-rank in the several regiments of that “corps, land; they have had the command in Eng- shall have PERMANENT rank in the land in some cases, where even regiments British army." What could this be underof militia have been under them; and, last- stood to mean other than that these officers ly, they have held commissions in English were to come in and take their turn in all regiments; though it would seem strange promotion in our army, and, to remain in that they should have been thus employed, it with the same security for the duration seeing, that, at any rate, they are not likely of their commissions as that possessed by to understand the language and manners of our own officers?-Lord Palmerston says, our men better than our native officers! however, that this permanence related mere-Still, however, there was one clause in ly to the insertion of their names in the army the act of 1804, which it seemed impossible list, after the war. If this had been the to get over; and that was, that the act case, the Order was perfect nonsense; for, should cease to be in force at the end of the as the reader may see, if he looks back into, Of course, when peace came, the the army lists, their names have, for a long commissions of these officers must all cease. time past, been inserted in that list. But, -This I was well aware of, and, there- what a gross absurdity will that list prefore, I said that the Order from the Horse sent; what an egregious piece of folly, if it Guards, if I understood it rightly, was il- should contain the names of these officers legal.Not so, the hireling writers of after the war? After the war, they will, the London press. They applauded the as we have seen, be no longer officers in our Order, and the Gourier news-paper in par-service; their commissions die with the ticular abused before-hand any one that war; like many others, peace would be should, find fault with it, asserting, that death to their occupation and their hopes; any one who did, must be a friend of Buo- their corps would be disbanded, and they: naparte.We now come to the debate themselves stript of all authority here, and in question, the whole of which, as pub-put back into their former state of officers lished in the Courier news-paper of the in the army of the Elector of Hanover.— 11th inst. I have inserted below, and every With what propriety, then, would their word of which I beg the reader to attend names appear in the English army list; in to, as being of the utmost importance to the list of an army to which they would no our liberties and our personal safety; aye, more belong than they would to the army war. titute the measure is of any solid ground of support. There may be room for doubt as to whether the employing of foreign troops abroad be wise or not. That is a question which I shall be very willing to leave to the decision of those who are in expectation of being able to effect" the deLiverance of Europe." It is in England; it is here, in our own country, and amongst ourselves, that I disapprove of the employment of foreign troops, and I disapprove of it, upon the same principles and upon the same grounds that it was disapproved of by our forefathers. I would rather that they never should be where an English army is; but, the object of my rooted antipathy is their being in England. It vision, since many members were necessarily absent. He hoped the delay was not asked for the purpose of gaining a greater majority. He intended to make several motions for papers on the subject. He had last Session called their attention to an infraction of the law by the employment of foreign officers in the British army, and a return was then ordered, which, though regular in its form, was still imperfect, it being drawn for the return of foreign offcers employed on home service; and therefore the fair account was not rendered, which should have included those on foreign service. No adequate idea was hence given of the number of foreigners in our service. One motion he should make should therefore be, for the return of the whole number; another for that of foreigners on the staff; and another for that of the officers of the 60th regiment of foot, who have staff appointments, which was forbidden by law. He then referred to the order of August last, in the Gazette, as to German officers, which stated, that in consideration of their services, particularly at the battle of Salamanca, they should receive, instead of temporary, permanent rank in the British army. There appeared to his Lordship only one way of understanding this: and which was, that it was an attempt to introduce permanently and for ever into our army, these officers, who were, under an Act of Parliament, serving only in a temporary way, till one year after the conclusion of the war. But he understood that another construction was put on it, and that his own was an errodiscus-neous one. Might he then ask of the Noble Lord or any Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, in order to save the time of the House, whether he was right in his interpretation, or if not, what was the real meaning of the order? If he misunderstood it, he might waste time needlessly in arguing upon it. does seem too, rather singular, that we should stand in need of these Hanoverians to assist us in a war in Spain and Portugal, where, as we are told, all the people hate our enemies and love us. Why, if this be true, should we go to Germany, and pay large bounties for troops to assist us? Surely, we might raise troops enough in Spain, full as zealous for the liberties of that country, as the German Legion is likely to be. In short, as I never have seen, so I cannot now see any good reason for the employment of these troops, and I am fully convinced, that the day is not distant when the public will be unanimously of my opinion. At the time when the famous Order was issued, the Courier asserted, that there was but ONE MAN in England who would object to it, in the sense that it was then understood.. The hireling is now silent. PAPER AGAINST GOLD.-The sions upon this subject have been revived; but, interesting as the matter is, I must put my observations upon it till next week. WM. COBBETT. Bolley, 17th Dec. 1812. off GERMAN TROOPS. Lord Folkestone rose to call the attention of the House, in consequence of his notice, to a subject of much importance, which he should have felt it his duty to do on an earlier day, had he not been applied to by a Noble Lord opposite to postpone it. If his -motion for papers were now objected to, he should lose by the delay, in the event of a di Lord Palmerston hardly knew how to answer the question. Lord Folkeston stated, that it appeared to be an attempt to foist the Foreign Officers into permanent rank in our army, to render them not liable to removal at peace, and to give them all the advantages of half-pay, &c. in future on our establishinent. Lord Palmerston said, that the effect of the order was not to give to Foreign Officers any advantages or privileges inconsistent with the Act under which they were serving. Lord Folkestone said, if the words of which differed certainly in various respects. the Order were to be construed according Permanent rank meant the common ordito the common understanding of the Eng-nary rank and promotion of the army. lish Language, they certainly did imply, Temporary rank signified an exception, and that privileges were conferred upon the was generally given to those who raised Officers of the German Legion, which men for rank, and for other reasons, which were, to all intents and purposes, incon- occasioned the granting them high comsistent with the terms of the Act of Par- missions. Temporary rank also was conl'ament. The great exploits of the corps fined to particular corps and services, but are made the cause for conferring on them did not give fuli brevet promotion with the some great boon. But according to the rest of the army, nor did it confer halfNoble Lord, this great reward which was pay. But the House should be aware, purported in the order was not given them. that it never was in the contemplation of In former times, when British Officers the framers of the Order, or of those to went into the army in the temporary rank whom it was addressed, that it was to be of superior Officers, without having gone construed otherwise than in conjunction through the inferior steps, it was not usual with the Act by which these corps were for these Officers to get promotion. But sanctioned. Many of our foreign corps now, the German Officers, who are only were in fact brought into service, complete temporary, are to be introduced into our established corps. The Germans were not service, are to be promoted, and to shoul- so, but they had been previously in the der out our old General Officers, who have Hanoverian service; and it was found new risen progressively to their rank.-Hear! cessary on their coming here to combine hear! The Order should have said them, and to preserve the previous rank "permanent rank in the German Legion," held by their Officers. But the analogy and not in the British Army. The Order, of our service had been preserved; the according to the explanation of a Noble first Officers had only temporary rank: but Lord, was a mark of absurdity in the the whole of the corps were not serving Office from which it was issued-of want with temporary rank. In all the foreign of knowledge of the English language, and corps, the Officers, who since the comhad the effect of deceiving the Officers of mencement of the corps have been appointthe German Legion, besides causing much ed Ensigns and Cornets, had been so apuneasiness in the British Army. The pointed and promoted, without any disobject of his motion, therefore, would be, tinction from other Officers of the British to procure information, by which the Offi- Army in general. The Order, in fact, cers of the British Army might understand did not apply to all the German Officers, that they had not received that injury, but only to those of the higher ranks, who which, in the present state of their know- had entitled themselves to favour and reledge, they could not fail to suppose that they ward. But all those Officers were serving had suffered. His Lordship concluded by under a law which declared a limit to moving, "That an humble Address be their services; and the order could not be presented to His Royal Highness the meant to operate in defiance of the law. Prince Regent, praying, that His Royal The Act authorized the granting of ComHighness would be pleased to order, that missions and Letters of Service; but did there should be laid before the House, Co- not say that these were to be different from pies of all the Orders which had been is- those of British Officers. To have done sued from the Horse Guards, relative to otherwise would have been injurious to the the rank of the Officers in the King's Ger- service. It was, he conceived, clear, that man Legion." when the operation of the law ceased, the Lord Palmerston observed, that the commissions must fall to the ground with short answer he had given had induced the that Act in which they originated. The Noble Lord to alter his whole line of ar- Officers could not be entitled to half-pay, gument. Had he made an explanation for the law forbad that. The advantage earlier, it might have prevented this ques- they received by the Order was, that when tion altogether. It was a mere difference the Act ceased, their rank having been as to the interpretation of words, and ordinary and permanent, their names would the whole the misconception be printed in the Army List in their remight be suffer temporary, spective ranks, and they would have their and permangank mywere honours and titles remaining. Thus their terms that m services, permanent rank did not violate the law, nor |