he has communicated to me with regard to the office which he has so worthily filled. (Cheers.) When I first became aware that I was going to be selected for the Presidency, the first thing I did was to betake myself to the study of Mr. Yule's presidential address, and I most fervently trust that the spirit which animated that address may fall like an Elijah's mantle upon myself, for it was a spirit of wise discretion and of convincing common sense. Mr. Yule has to-day referred to the reforms that we desire in the legislative councils of India, and he has explained how extremely moderate the demands are with reference to those Councils. Indeed, some people might think that the demands were almost too moderate. It reminds me a little of the story of the Scotch servant girl who obtained leave to have an interview with her young man. When she came back to her mistress she seemed out of humour and not satisfied. The lady said, "Well, what is the matter? Was Jack nae civil?" "Oh", she said, "Jack was ceevil; senselessly ceevil." (Laughter.) Probably his demands had been almost too moderate. (Renewed laughter.) I think, perhaps, in the same way it may be thought that these proposals of the Congress hardly go far enough. In the present position of things. I think it is wiser and more prudent to keep within the most careful bounds of moderation. Mr. Yule, in his address at Allahabad, pointed out that when we bring forward any measures of reform our opponents meet us in various ways. There are four phases in whch they pose before they are brought to a proper condition of mind. They first receive our proposals with ridicule; the second phase is that of abuse: from that they go on to partial concession accompanied with misapprehension of our objects; and the last and happiest stage of all is when they entirely adopt our proposals, and wonder that these excellent proposals have not been adopted before. (Laughter.) Mr. Yule pointed out that we are

now between the second and the third of these stages of abuse; that is to say, that we are between the times of abuse and partial adoption. I am glad to say, that I think that ever since the Allahabad meeting of last Christmas we have considerably progressed, and that we may say that this question is between the third and fourth stages, between partial concession and total adoption. My reason for saying this is the utterances of the authorised mouthpiece of the Government, when speaking about Indian affairs. Sir John Gorst, in the House of Commons, speaking in a debate on the Address in answer to Mr. Bradlaugh upon the subject of the aspirations of the native races to share in the management of their own affairs, said: 'The honourable member has accused this Government of looking with an unfriendly eye on the aspirations of the natives to the share of the government of their own country. But the truth is that no more unfortunate charge could be made. It is not true. It is not only the policy of the present Government, but it has been the policy of every Government of India for the last thirty years, to extend to the natives of India not only a share in the administration of their country, but so far as is possible the management of their own affairs'. (Cheers.) That is what Sir John Gorst said in the debate on the Address, and afterwards in the debate on the Indian Budget, when he spoke with special reference to the reform of the Legislative Councils. He said the Government concurred with Lord Lansdowne, who wished to make every practicable concession. He wished to enlarge the Councils and to give them the discussion of the Budget, the financial statement, and also to give them the right of interpellation. He also said that the Government were desirous of legislating with a view to giving effect to those wishes, but that he had been obliged to advise them that this was impossible on account of the position of parties. I suppose this meant that the Government was willing to legislate if they could be assured of the support of the Liberal

Party. It appears that if we are waiting for Sir John Gorst, equally Sir John Gorst is waiting for us. History repeats itself, and it appears as if Sir John Gorst were a short of latter-day Sir Richard Strachan, and that we are in the position of the Lord Chatham, of whom it is said:

'Lord Chatham. with his sword drawn,

Stood waiting for Sir Richard Strachan ;
Sir Richard longing to be at 'em,

Stood waiting for the Earl of Chatham.'

If that is really the only difference that stands in the way of Government, that difficulty can be removed, and we hope that the friends of India will be able to cooperate for a forward movement in this matter for the next session. For this purpose we hope to be able to form a sort of Indian party consisting of all those, whatever their difference of opinions in other matters, who are willing to co-operate upon the broad basis of a just and sympathetic policy towards India. (Cheers.)

The Fifth Indian National Congress.

The following address was delivered by Sir William Wedderburn as President of the Fifth Indian National Congress held at Bombay in December 1889.

I thank you, gentlemen, from the bottom of my heart. for the great honor you have conferred upon me. I beg leave also to offer my acknowledgements to the mover, the seconder and the supporter of this resolution for the gracious terms in which they have referred to my past connection with India. After our long acquaintance it seems hardly necessary that I should assure you of my feelings of good-will towards the people of India. (Cheers.) But I will mention this one fact, that I have passed quarter of a century among you, and during that period of time I have not known what it was to suffer an unkindness from a native of India. During that period I have been in the service of the people of India, and have eaten their salt. (Loud and continued cheering.) And I hope to devote to their service what still remains to me of active life. I take this chair to-day with much pleasure and pride. It warms my heart to receive this mark of confidence from Indian people. And I rejoice to take part in a movement so well calculated to promote the best interests of India and of England. (Cheers.)

I have watched from its commencement the movement which has now culminated in the Indian National Congress. And in my humble judgment the movement is an unmitigated good, in its origin, objects, and its methods. As regards its historical origin, we know that it is the direct result of the noblest efforts of British statemanship, the natural and healthy fruit of higher education and free institutions freely granted to the people of India. Again, what are the practical objects of the Congress movement? They are to revive the

National life, and to increase the material prosperity of the country; and what better object could we have before us? Lastly as regards our methods, they are open, constitutional, and based solely on India's reliance upon British justice and love of fair-play. Looking back to the history of the movement, there was one critical time in its development: that was about ten years ago. The leaven was then actually at work, though the purpose of of the movement was not then so well defined, and it was unwisely sought to deal with it by a policy of repression. The results might have been disastrous. But happily that time of tribulation was cut short by the arrival of the greatest and best of all our Viceroys, the Marquis of Ripon. (Loud cheers.) By his wise and sympathetic policy Lord Ripon met and fulfilled the aspirations of the national movement. And on their side the people of India recognised that a government conducted in such a spirit could not be regarded as an alien rule. This was the meaning of the passionate demonstrations at the time of Lord Ripon's departure. You, gentlemen, will correct me if I am wrong in saying that those demonstrations were a popular declaration that on such terms British rule could be accepted as the national Government of the Indian people.

(Long and enthusiastic cheers.)

But, gentlemen, you know all this as well as I do. I think what you want to hear from me is not so much about your affairs in India as about your affairs in England. I have been nearly three years away from you, and have been studying English politics with special reference to Indian interests. And you would like to know what are the results. You will naturally ask me, what are the prospects of the Congress movement in England? What are the obstacles which you have to overcome? And what are the practical objects to which our activity can best be directed? To these inquiries I would reply generally that our hopes depend entirely