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the war, and the way out of it; and for that purpose he has visited and lectured in New York, Washington, Cincinnati, Chicago, and other northern cities. His lecture here occupied about an hour and a half. His manner was very fine, and his oratory beautiful, but his logic was not Websterian. His statements, remarks, and illustrations were striking and interesting, but many of his conclusions were not natural nor logical sequences from his premises. His address may be regarded as a hotchpot of incongruities—of beauties and absurdities-of truths and fallacies-of harmonies and discords of striking facts and plausible sophisms of logical sequences and strange incoherences-such as never came from a sound mind.

A few months since, he declared publicly that he had been laboring fifteen years to dissolve the Union; to separate the free from the slave states. He now declares that he is in favor of the Union; but he is, in fact, as much a disunionist, and an enemy to the Union, as ever-for the reason, that he is in favor of the Union only on impossible conditions; on the condition of the abolition of slavery in the states by congress, by means of a bold usurpation of power, which they have not military strength to carry into effect, if they were to attempt it: and on the further condition, that the people of the United States, and the southern people in particular, shall be subjected to the tutelage of the anti-slavery societies and lecturers of the northern states, to be instructed and educated by them in Yankee ideas and what he deems the true principles of government, so as to produce harmony of opinion, even between Massachusetts and South Carolina. This is the spirit of his incoherent and irrational ideas in relation to the Union.

He professed to show the way out of the war, but in the course of his lecture he said that the people of the rebel states number about eight millions of white inhabitants, of Anglo-Saxon descent, like ourselves; that it would be impossible for the federal government to conquer them; and that the war would probably last during the lives of the present and the next generation of men, (more than fifty years.)

The only measure proposed by him to get out of the war, (or to prolong it, as we think, for fifty years more), was to abolish slavery in all the states, sweep it out of existence to the Gulf of Mexico, by act of congress, (or rather by a vain attempt to do so, by a bold usurpation of power, under the pretence that necessity will justify and authorize it under the war-power); to force Yankee ideas, and Yankee vilization, upon the whole of the southern states, both bond and free; to compel them to receive abolition lecturers and teachers, anti-slavery tracts and newspapers, and all the methods and means of anti-slavery instruction and agitation; to pray God in his wise providence to remove from this world such obstinate and wicked slave-holders as resist such humane and philanthropic

measures, and to employ live Yankees, zealous abolitionists, antislavery powder and ball, grape and canister, bombs and gibbets, to execute his judgments, and carry his providences into effect during the next fifty years of this war. These are not the exact words of Mr. Phillips; but such we think were the outlines of his policy, and such would be its effects.

He compared the people of Massachusetts and South Carolina to mad dogs, fighting; and he proposed to harmonize them. How? By emancipating their slaves, educating the slaves and the poor whites, and as we suppose, exterminating the slave-holders during a fifty years' war. How consistent his logic! and what admirable harmony would result from such measures!

He represented the people of the slave states as in favor of slavery; those of the border slave states in favor of the Union with slavery; and those of the southern slave states as in favor of slavery and against the Union, and determined on maintaining a a southern confederacy. The old maxim is to divide and conquer; to form alliances, to increase your fiiends and to divide your enemies, in order to weaken and conquer them; but his policy is, to divide our friends and increase the number of our enemies-by an attempt to abolish slavery by force-by a bold usurpation of dominion over the slave states, and by military power-which would inevitably drive all the border states to make common cause with the rebels, for the protection of their institutions.

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Again, he represented slavery as the cause of the rebellion; that the rebels were universally in favor of slavery, and made it the corner stone of the southern confederacy, and yet he said Jeff. Davis would soon be so hard pushed, that he would proclaim liberty to the slaves as a matter of policy, if the federal government does not, and would arm them to fight the federal armies. he not know that the slaves work on the plantations for their masters as patiently and submissively as their horses and mules do; that they support the families of their masters, and furnish the means also of prosecuting the war; and thereby enable nearly one half the able bodied whites to join their armies? Does he not know that Jeff. Davis could add nothing to the military strength of the south by emancipating and arming such an ignorant multitude, but on the contrary, would greatly weaken it, by rendering the service of the slaves almost valueless?

Such is the admirable logic of Mr. Phillips! All his views tend to a long war, and to a final dissolution of the Union. He and all that school of philanthropists, seem to be entirely ignorant of the effect of climate on the constitution, nature and character of man. They leave the effects of climate out of the account, and base their reasoning on the false assumption, that man is the same in all climates and all countries, except so far as his intellect is developed and expanded, and his moral nature improved by educa

tion and habit. They do not seem to know, that climate alone, changes the constitution, and all the proportions and balances, as well as the texture of the vital and cerebral organs on which his intellectual faculties, and all his moral and physical wants, propensities, and passions depend; which changes his whole moral and intellectual character. They do not seem to know, that it is impossible for any method of training, or system of education, to assimilate the South Carolinians and the people of the gulf states, to the people of New England. They do not seem to know, that when New England Puritans are transported to the gulf states, or to any hot climate, their descendants soon loose all their Puritanical instincts and characteristics, and become assimilated, in nature as well as in intellect and character, to the people of the climate in which they live. Hence all their reasoning is based on false assumptions.

Many of Mr. Phillips' views and purposes are impracticable and entirely inconsistent with the permanence of our national Union; but his disunion sentiments are varnished and seasoned with professions of universal philanthropy and justice, of sympathy for the slave, and a desire to educate and elevate him in the scale of being, to promote and advance the cause of civilization; and also to educate the whole people of the southern states in the true methods and principles of Puritan civilization-so that when the present generation shall pass away, there may be entire unity of opinion and practice on the subject of freedom and slavery, education and industry, morals and government, and state, as well as tional policy, throughout the Union, from the lakes to the gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. A vain hope, inconsistent with the whole history of man, for four thousand years,

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By reason of their learning and sophistry; their active and fruitful minds, and subtle reasoning powers; their accomplished manners, commanding personal appearance and eloquence; their high moral character, great zeal, perseverance and fanaticism; and their influential positions, one at the head of the Anti-Slavery Society, and the other the leader of the abolition wing of the republican party of Massachusetts; Wendell Phillips and Charles Sumner may be regarded as the most dangerous men of the free

states.

We feel it our duty as public journalists and friends of our national Union, to put our readers on their guard against the influence of the insidious poison infused into the public mind by such If the republican party is to be instructed and led by such men as Wendell Phillips and Charles Sumner, it will soon be led to ruin, or to a dissolution of the Union.

men.

The following is from the Detroit Free Press:

Wendell Phillips defined how much of a Union man he was, in his lecture at Madison, Wisconsin. He was a Unionist so long as

the southern states were out of the Union. He is reported to have said:

"He had been a disunionist sixteen years, and had been endeavoring to get nineteen states out of the Union, and now that they were out, he could be a Unionist with justice to his own feelings."

SEC. 13. AMERICAN POLITICS AND POLITICIANS.

Unfortunately for our country, the class of men who are aspiring to office, and make politics in some measure a trade, have been rapidly increasing during the last thirty years, and are now four or five times as numerous, in proportion to the population, as they were during the first forty years of our present national government. Our federal and state governments have mostly fallen into the hands of managing and bargaining partizan politicians; and such has become the scramble for office and government contracts, that not only moral qualities and experience, but intellectual acquirements also, seem to be very little regarded; and an active mind, pliable conscience, talking talent, and craft and skill as politicians, seem to be the principal passports to political success.

Previous to the annexation of Texas and the war with Mexico, we had but four classes of politicians-consisting of schemers and screamers, subtle reasoners, and cunning trimmers. Forty years since, we had none, or very few indeed of the screamer class; which has been added within that period, by the modern system of electing presidential electors, state and judicial officers by the people, all by general ticket. That system introduced and has made very general, the practice of partizan state conventions, mass-meetings, and what is usually termed stump speaking, or stump oratory; much of which has finally degenerated to buffoonery.

The agitation of the slavery question has added a fifth class of politicians-consisting of enthusiastics and fanatics. There are proslavery fanatics, or slavery propagandists, and anti-slavery fanatics, or abolitionists. This fifth class of politicians did not assume any importance until the year 1844, when they defeated the election of Henry Clay to the presidency. They finally destroyed the whig party and divided the democratic party, and have been a very great disturbing element in American politics, ever since the war with Mexico.

The principal stock in trade of the screamers consists of a good supply of anecdotes, partizan dogmas and sophisms, and a small show of reasoning, seasoned with coarse epithets and sarcasms, and vulgar witticisms. Those of the fanatical class, at the north, also howl against slavery, and shriek for freedom; while those at the south, plant themselves upon slavery as the main corner stone of the American institutions, and denounce the abolitionists as the only disturbers of the public peace.

The system of state and national partizan nominating convention has grown up and been perfected during the last forty years; the first national conventions for nominating candidates for president and vice-president of the United States having been held in the years 1831 and 1832.

The convention system has greatly increased the number of politicians, and increased also the penchant and scramble for office. There is often as much anxiety and management to obtain a township, ward, or city office, to become trustee of a school district, or to be appointed a delegate to a national, state, or even a county convention, as there was fifty years since to be elected to congress, or governor of a state. Some aspire to petty offices as modes of personal distinction and popularity; while others seek them, and vainly hope to make them stepping-stones to higher honors. The anxiety, paltry management, and scramble for of fice, have become truly amazing, and tend to demoralize the people of the United States as much as any other cause.

Partizan machinery, during the last thirty years, has been reduced to such a degree of system, and is worked so perfectly by cunning and skillful politicians, that the government of the country has fallen almost entirely into the hands of men who make politics a trade. The tendency of the system is to lay independent men on the shelf to disregard experience, acquirements, and qualifications, fitness and character-to make zeal, tact and skill as politicians, the principal passports to official stations. What could be expected from such a system and such a state of things, but that great numbers' of Jimmy Schemers, Billy Screamers, fanatics, and Tommy Noodles, would be elected to office, and that we should have so many mere politicians, and so few statesmen, occupying high seats of power? Such are the antecedents which may be

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