PREACHERS.

HE death of Richard Cameron, and then of Donald Cargill, was a severe blow to the pious people who for years had braved so many dangers to have the satisfaction of hearing the truth from their lips, but it did not paralyse them. The Scottish Parliament began its sittings July 28, 1681, the very day after Cargill suffered martyrdom. It passed several Acts of the most offensive character. The kings of this realm' were said to derive their 'royal power from God Almighty alone.' It was asserted that no difference in religion, nor no law nor Act of Parliament made, or to be made, can alter or divert the right of succession' to the crown. To do anything by writing, speaking, or any other manner of way,' to prevent the Duke of York from ascending the throne, although he was a professed Roman Catholic, was declared to be high treason. The cess voted by the Convention of 1678, for the putting down of the fieldmeetings, was continued for five years. If a tenant or servant attended a field-meeting, the proprietor or master must pay the fine incurred. The fines already in existence were doubled. A test of the most contradictory and ensnaring character was ordered to be exacted from everybody in any office in Church or State throughout the realm.

These Acts roused the bereaved followers of Cameron and Cargil to action. Lest they might be 'looked upon as consenters to, or at least connivers at, such wickedness,' they resolved to issue 'some public testimony someway corresponding to the notoriety of the sin.' To do this effectively, they endeavoured to acquaint all in every place of the nation' whom they knew approved of 'the testimony against tyranny and defection,' published by Cameron and Cargill, of their purpose to hold a meeting for mutual consultation, and for settling a correspondency thereafter amongst them.'

This meeting was held December 16, 1681, in Logan House, a lonely farm-house in the moors, about seven miles to the south of Strathaven, in Lanarkshire. It was the first of a series of what were called general meetings, that were held at different places at short intervals of from three weeks to three or four months, down at least to the Revolution. The 'correspondency' was made up of local meetings held all over the country. The meetings held near each other had representatives from each other every fortnight, or at furthest once a month. These local meetings elected representatives to the general meeting. The conclusions of the general meetings sent down to the local meetings or societies formed the 'general correspondence' that ran 'circular through the whole.' Michael Shields, the clerk of the 'general meetings,' drew up a record of their proceedings, which John Howie published, with his usual alterations, in an octavo volume in 1780, under the name of 'Faithful Contendings Displayed.' The original manuscript is still in existence among the papers of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, now united with the Free Church. The germ of these meetings lay in the meetings for prayer and religious conference that for some years previous had begun to be common in Scotland.

With one of these prayer-meetings Renwick was connected so early as some time before 1678, but he withdrew from it because of the contentions on behalf of the cess that were expressed by its members. Hence he became deeply interested in the steps taken to institute a correspondency' among the meetings for prayer and consultation on the part of those who groaned under the tyranny of the times. He was present at the first meeting, and took part in the publication at Lanark, January 12, 1682, of the Declaration emitted by it. At the fifth general meeting held at Edinburgh, October 11, 1682, he was one of the young men chosen to go abroad to follow their studies,' with a view to their being

ordained to the Christian ministry. His previous history more than justified their choice. James Renwick was born in the parish of Glencairn, in Dumfriesshire, February 15, 1662. His father, Andrew Renwick, was a weaver. He was 'a fervent and faithful Christian.' He died when James was in his fourteenth year. His mother, Elizabeth Corson, was a woman of similar piety to her husband. Like Hannah of old, she dedicated her son to the Lord, and it soon appeared that the Lord had accepted the gift. Alexander Shields admiringly records that when he was but two years of age he was discerned to be aiming at prayer! This early blossoming soon ripened into fruit. 'He began by times to fall in love with the ways of God, and to delight much in secret prayer and reading the Word.' The circumstances of his parents made it no easy matter for them to give him a learned education; yet they consulted his inclination,' Shields quaintly says, 'which was constant for his book, and with great difficulties kept him at it until Providence did very propitiously furnish him with means of greater proficiency at Edinburgh, where many were so enamoured with his hopeful disposition that they very earnestly promoted his education; and when he was ready for the university, were careful to encourage him in attending on gentlemen's sons for the improvement of their studies and his own both.' These latter words doubtless mean that, like many a Scotch student that has risen to eminence, Renwick, during his university career, did much to support himself by teaching others whose worldly circumstances were better than his own. The temptations incident to a city university life had little or no evil effect upon him. His faith and hope increased with his years; and when his studies, previous to a degree, came to a close, he found he could not take the oath of allegiance as it was then framed. It owned the king to be supreme in all causes, an acknowledgment that no one who regarded Christ to be supreme Head of His Church could honestly make. His name accordingly was not presented when the degrees were publicly bestowed. But he afterwards, with two others, obtained his degree privately. After he had taken his degree he continued at Edinburgh, and prosecuted his studies. For a short time he attended the meetings held by the Indulgence ministers, many of whom were living in or near Edinburgh. Renwick soon saw that their submitting to the Indulgence and living in Edinburgh really deprived their flocks of their

ministrations, and tended to confirm the civil power in its efforts to take away spiritual liberty from the Christian people. And at the same time he became persuaded that the king had broken all the pledges he had made when he ascended the throne. The last words of Cargill, at whose execution, July 27, 1681, he was present, strengthened him in this persuasion. And when, in the October following, he met with some praying people to consider how best to collect and preserve the Testimonies of the Martyrs that had lately suffered death, he cheered their hearts by his frankly telling them he approved of the truths presented in these testimonies, and that it would be a pleasure to him to be engaged with a remnant who would follow out and seek to perpetuate them to the succeeding generation. In December 1682, three months after the general meeting had agreed to send him, Renwick sailed for Holland. The general meeting voted him twenty-five pound Scots to defray the expenses of the voyage, and a further sum for clothes and other necessaries' was afterwards raised.

He arrived at Groningen in January, and prosecuted his studies under Professor John Marck, the author of many theological works, but perhaps best known in this country by his 'Christianae Theologiae Medulla,' a small compendium of theology that was a favourite book with Dr Chalmers. While at Groningen Renwick kept up a correspondence with his friends in Scotland, as well as with Sir Robert Hamilton, then in Holland. Much of this correspondence is contained in 'A Collection of Letters,' with a short preface by M'Millan of Pentland, afterward of Sandhills, Glasgow, published in 1764. Unfortunately this collection has been very carelessly edited. Several of the letters are misplaced. The printer has read the word 'June' as if it were Jan.,' and 'May' as if it were 'March,' and the postscripts have been generally left out. But with these drawbacks, that might be easily removed in a new issue, this correspondence says a great deal for the piety, and kindliness, and Christian patriotism of the writer. It very plainly shows why Renwick was a man so much beloved by all who knew him.

His friends in Scotland, that were altogether without a Christian ministry, wearied greatly for his return. He, too, was not less desirous to enter on his work. But there were formidable difficulties in the way. Holland has always been a fertile soil for theological discussions, and at that time there was a keen controversy about the views of John Koch,

better known in this country by the Latin form of his name-Cocceius. Koch died in 1669, but the controversy continued after his death. Evangelical theologians are now generally agreed as to the great service Koch did to theology by calling it out of the scholastic forms into which it was settling through the influence of Melanchthon, and giving it a more Biblical direction.* But Koch was not always very guarded in his statements, and Professor John Marck took a prominent place among those who disputed or denied the orthodoxy of some parts of his teaching. Renwick sympathised with the views of his professor. His friend and adviser, Sir Robert Hamilton, was of the same mind with himself. Hence, when ordination came to be spoken of, Renwick was exceedingly desirous to be ordained by men of the same opinions as Professor Marck. M'Millan's 'Collection of Letters' contains a long letter by Sir Robert Hamilton to 'Some Friends in Scotland,' giving a minute account of the difficulties that had to be overcome ere ordination could be secured. At last it took place at Groningen, May 10, 1683, by the Classis or Presbytery of that town. The examination must have been thorough, for it lasted for four hours, but the Classis was fully satisfied. Alexander Shields, in his Life of Renwick, has preserved copies of the certificates, or, as he calls them, the 'testimonies given' by Professor Marck and the Classis. Their language departs a good deal from the usual style of such documents, and shows how cordially both Professor Marck and the Classis acted in the matter, and how deep an interest they took in the suffering Church of Scotland. The day after his ordination Renwick painfully experienced the quarrelsome disposition that so often appears among Scotch Presbyterians at that period. A letter came from the Scotch ministers at Rotterdam, containing serious charges against the Societies that had sent over Renwick. It was intended to prevent the ordination. It came too late for success in its primary object, but it led to searching inquiry, and the result was that Renwick's Dutch friends became more his friends than ever. But the Scotch ministers at Rotterdam were often afterwards a source of trouble and grief to him by the unfounded

*See an article by Dr A. Ebrard upon Cocceius and his school, in the third volume of the new edition of the Real Encyclopädie,' by Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Dr Ebrard's paper is somewhat coloured by his dislike of the Synod of Dordt, but it contains much interesting matter about Koch and his followers, although he does injustice to Witsius.

reports respecting him they spread abroad. Exile is not favourable to a charitable frame of mind. Men who have fled from their native land in seasons of trouble do not sufficiently remember that those left behind cannot always be thinking of them, and, from the very necessities of their position, must often take steps in vindication of themselves, or in selfdefence, without apprising them beforehand. In the loneliness and solitude of foreign sojourn they are apt to fancy that in such steps they have been entirely forgotten. This fancy soon begets worse feelings, and ere long they who once were friends become enemies, disposed to suspect that an evil intent lurks in every proposal made by the other. It is only thus we can explain how it was that Renwick and the Societies in Scotland were often so misinterpreted by their exiled countrymen in Holland.

Now that he was ordained to the Christian ministry, Renwick was eager to return to Scotland. He went to Rotterdam, where he met with much discouragement from the exiled ministers, but it did not turn him from his purpose. He found a ship ready to sail for Scotland, and he got on board at the Brielle, then much resorted to by Scotch merchants. But a contrary wind kept the ship in the Maas for several days. Meanwhile the profanity of some of the passengers, and their efforts to get him to drink the king's health, and their threatening to inform upon him if he continued to refuse, led him to go ashore and seek for another vessel. He found one bound for Ireland. He seems to have set sail in the close of June or the beginning of July 1683. He had a stormy passage, and on the way the ship was compelled to put in at Rye, in Sussex, where the captain proved himself very unfriendly. Renwick has given an account of his voyage in two letters (xxii. and xxiii.) in M'Millan's Collection. We transfer from Renwick's own autograph the twenty-second of these letters, especially as it appears in a much mutilated form in M'Millan's pages. The passages within brackets are now printed for the first time. Renwick signs himself 'Robert Bruce,' the signature he assumed when his letter might cause danger either to himself or his correspondent. The letter is address to Sir Robert Hamilton. The dangers referred to are those that arose out of the Rye House Plot, which had been recently detected.

DUBLIN, August 24, 1683. [RIGHT] HONOURABLE SIR,

I am assured that you will think it strange that ere this time I should not have written