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of the settlers, averring that he had employed his official power in the agency for his own private emolument, and the benefit of land. speculators. Mr. Seward was silent in regard to these calumnies, until they had awakened a painful anxiety toward the close of the canvass. He then published his letter to the citizens of Chautauque county, which, by its clear and cogent statements, put an effectual stop to the slanders that were in circulation and gave him popular strength never enjoyed before.

The slavery question was another perplexing element in this canvass. The yet distant prospect of the annexation of Texas was viewed with alarm by the friends of liberty at the North. It renewed the discussion of slavery, which had not entered into political movements since the Missouri Compromise in 1820. A portion of the citizens of New York, headed by William Jay and Gerrit Smith, had addressed letters to the several candidates for office, intended to draw out their views on the subject of slavery. The mass of all parties regarded this course of action with profound disgust. The candidates of the regency party did not hesitate to give a negative answer to the questions that had been propounded. The whigs were thought to be placed in an inconvenient dilemma. Mr. Seward's answert was at once frank and sagacious. While he expressed without reserve his devotion to human freedom, he limited his aims by a regard to prevailing opinions, and a sense of what was practicable in the attainment of right. His reply did not compromise his popularity, as had been hoped by his oppo

nents.

The election was warmly contested. With the regency the struggle was for life or death. No measures were neglected on their part to defeat the candidates of the whigs. Every species of objection was urged against Mr. Seward. The gravest and the most trivial charges were alike brought to bear on the canvass. Among other things he was accused of the "atrocious crime" of being a young man, as he was but thirty-three when first nominated for governor, and at this time but thirty-seven. The election took place in November, and in spite of unexpected disasters to the whig cause in all other states, the "young man" was triumphantly elected. Mr. Seward's majority reached to 10,421. The whig party carried the state in every department, and secured a complete ascendancy of political power. See Vol. III. p. 426.

*See Vol. III. p. 457.

Mr. Seward was the first whig governor of New York. With the exception of De Witt Clinton, he was the only one who had ever been elected in opposition to the Albany regency. The party which had virtually dictated the policy of the state for nearly fifty years was thus effectually destroyed, and a new development of principles was to be realized under the administration of William II. Seward. In entering upon the executive office, Gov. Seward was surrounded with peculiar difficulties. The business of the country had been prostrated by the revulsions of 1836. His political friends looked with confidence to his administration for the financial relief of the public. The whigs, moreover, were in power for the first time. Numerous and excited applicants eagerly pressed their claims for office. In this crisis, Gov. Seward conducted with great moderation and impartiality. Cautious in making promises, he rejected no application without substantial reasons, which he never took pains to conceal. His frankness in rendering all necessary explanations to a disappointed candidate was equal to the wise reserve with which he abstained from giving undue encouragement.* In this judicious course, however, he did not avoid offence. Applicants were more numerous than offices. Of course, some must be disappointed. And of these some rallied around rival statesmen. Gov. Seward thus incurred the opposition of several prominent members of the whig party, who, naturally enough, adopted principles different from his own.

Nor did his election bring the political contest in the state of New York to a close. An important battle had been won, but the campaign was not completed. Never did party zeal run to a greater height, than during the period of his administration. In describing his official career, we shall do little more than indicate the principles by which it was inspired, as delivered in his messages, and other executive papers.

Among the measures to which the attention of Gov. Seward was early directed, was the completion of a lunatic asylum, and the adoption of a judicious and humane system for the treatment of the insane. Before his retirement from office, his suggestions in this behalf were carried into successful operation. Frequently visiting this and other charities of the state, he recommended them to the patronage of the legislature, as well by his example as his counsels.

* See Official Correspondence, Vol. II, p. 589.

In the exercise of the pardoning power, Gov. Seward exercised we think, a greater degree of wisdom than most of his predecessors. At the same time he labored for the introduction of milder forms of punishment in the penitentiaries, substituting moral discipline for the lash. These reforms were afterward adopted by the legislature.

The interests of agriculture always received the fostering care of Gov. Seward. He was anxious for the establishment of an agricultural department in the state, with a view to the especial promotion of that important source of public prosperity. His efforts for that measure, however, were not seconded by the legislature, and have remained to this day without direct fruit.

Upon the accession of Gov. Seward to office, the system of normal schools in connexion with academies and common school libraries, had been partially established. These measures received his cordial and efficient support. At his suggestion, a system of visitation and inspection of common schools was adopted by the legislature, although it has failed to be carried into full effect, much to the detriment of the cause of popular education.

In his messages, Gov. Seward took the ground that the welfare of the state demanded the education of all its children,* not as a matter of charity, but of justice and public safety. The defects in the public schools of New York city led him to recommend a modification of the system, and the ultimate substitution of the plan which prevailed in the rest of the state. A prejudice, partaking both of a national and religious character, had come down from the colonial period against foreigners, and especially against catholics. It was this class of the population that would be most directly benefited by the change in the city schools. It was proposed to admit catholic teachers with the same facilities as others. An alarm was at once raised throughout the state. The protestant cause was declared to be in danger, from the undue ascendancy of the catholics. Religious bigotry was thus excited. The hostility, both of protestant clergy and laity, was arrayed against the governor. He was labeled in effigy in New York. The press teemed with abuse of his person and measures. Meantime his political opponents, who had always professed to be more friendly to foreigners and catholics than the whigs, did not fail to take advantage of the popular jealousy for the promotion of their views. The

*See Annual Message, Vol. II. pp. 206, 216.

whigs, on the other hand, who were accustomed to contend with naturalized foreigners at the polls, were unwilling to accord them any privileges. Between the two parties, Gov. Seward was obliged to maintain the contemplated reform on its own merits. His influence was greatly impaired by the general impression that the measures in question were not only untenable in themselves, but that they had their origin in sinister political purposes. This impression, however, was wholly unfounded, and did great injustice to Gov. Seward. His efforts in behalf of the children of catholics sprung from a deep conviction of the importance of education to all men, without regard to condition or circumstances.* During his travels in Ireland in 1833, he saw the effect of British policy in depriving the catholic population of the means of instruction. The people, thus kept in abject ignorance, were more easily made the victims of oppression and tyranny, and more liable to become seditious and treasonable. This spectacle produced a strong impression on his mind. He became anxious that the catholics in America should be put in possession of the advantages of education, and so be assimilated to the native population. †

The controversy on the school question continued throughout the whole of Gov. Seward's administration. It affected his popularity so much as to deprive him of about 2,000 votes on his re-election. The result, however, has shown his far-reaching sagacity. Like many other measures proposed by Gov. Seward, this was in advance of public opinion, but has since commended itself to the good sense of the people. At the first session of the legislature, after his retirement from office, his plan for the education of all classes of children, not excluding those of foreigners and catholics, was adopted by decisive majorities. No doubt has since arisen as to the utility of the measure, except on the part of those whose religious scruples had led them to decline a participation in its advantages.‡

Along with these efforts of Gov. Seward in behalf of educational reform, he was also actively engaged in the removal of the prejudices between native Americans and adopted citizens. His recommendations to successive legislatures for abolishing the legal

See General Correspondence. Letters to Bishop Hughes and others, Vol. III. See letters from Europe, Vol. III.

Gov. Seward's attention was first called to this question by the fact that the annual school returns from New York showed that there were about 25,000 children in that city who did not attend school, and were thus left exposed to the allurements of vice and crime.

disabilities under which foreigners labored, were with more or less reluctance, ultimately adopted.*

The city of New York was, at that time just beginning to be crowded with immigrants who poured into the country from foreign lands. Overtaken by poverty and disease, they served to fill the almshouses and the prisons. Their overflowing numbers increased the amount both of wretchedness and of crime. In order to lessen the evil, a tax upon emigrants was recommended by the mayor of New York. The proposal met with general favor. Under these circumstances the public was astounded by the suggestions of Gov. Seward for the encouragement of emigration. He maintained that the surplus labor of foreign lands should be employed to advantage in developing the natural resources of this country. Instead of shutting our doors upon the down-trodden emigrant, he insisted that we should welcome him to a share in our industry and citizenship. This generous and humane policy, however, was vehemently condemned. It subjected its author to great reproach. Still, as in the case of the school reform, his measures were finally adopted by the state. In 1847 they were made the subject of discussion in the legislature, and having passed that body, have since been a part of the established policy of New York.

The courts of law and of chancery in the state of New York had from time immemorial been subject to a variety of expensive delays. Organized on the model of the English system, the higher courts consisted of judges, a chancellor, and a vice-chancellor appointed by the governor and senate, and holding office until sixty years of age. In the common pleas the judges were appointed for five years by the same power. The legal practice was marked by all the prolixity, technicalities, and superfluous expense of the English courts. The judiciary and the banking powers were combined with overpowering and overshadowing influences by the Albany regency. Gov. Seward exerted all his influence in favor of reform. He was opposed both by the bar and the judiciary. In opposition to their combined efforts, he secured the passage of bills in the legislature for reducing the expenses, and simplifying the practice in all the courts of the state. Nor did he stop with this measure for the relief of the public. He urged a complete reform in the constitution of the courts. His plan involved the abolition of the court of chancery, and a new organization of the supreme

* See Annual Messages, Vol. II.

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