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increased either, during continuance in office. But what is the possible dependence feared from an increase or decrease of salary compared to that unavoidable dependence which must be the consequence of short terms of office, and of appointment by election? It will hardly be necessary to mention that a fixed salary, independent of fees and fines, is indispensable for the independence of the judge and the protection of the citizen. Even common decency requires it. Don Miguel of Portugal made the judges who tried political offenders depend upon part of the fines and confiscations they decreed, and we know what was done under James II. and Lord Jeffreys. The hounds receiving part of the hunted game suggest themselves at once.

With a view of making the judiciary independent, the removal of judges from office has been justly taken out of the hands of the executive. The immovability of judges is an essential element of civil liberty. Neither the executive nor the sovereign himself ought to have the power of removing a judge. He can therefore be removed by impeachment only, and this requires, according to the Constitution of the United States, two-thirds of the votes of the senate. In some states they can be removed by two-thirds of the whole legislature."

Although the principle of arbitration cannot be called a characteristic of liberty, for as a characteristic it belongs rather to the patriarchal government, and courts of arbitration may flourish in despotic states, it will be necessary to consider this topic in the present place. It is very possible that our people would more readily give up an elective judiciary, where it has been established, if the law or the state constitutions directed or admitted of regular courts of arbitration. Wherever they

1 When it has become necessary to increase the salary of judges, the difficulty has sometimes been avoided by the judges resigning, upon the understanding that, after the legislature shall have increased the salary, they should be re-appointed.

2 It seems to me a strange anomaly that, as it would seem by a late resolution of the United States senate, the president has authority to remove judges in the "territories."

have been tried in modern times, they have been found of the greatest benefit to the people, for instance, in Prussia and Denmark. Great efforts are made in England, by such leading men as Lord Brougham, to introduce them in that country of law. In England as well as in the United States. the law admits indeed of arbitration, but a single arbitration. though acknowledged by law, if certain prescribed conditions have been fulfilled, differs in effect, and the advantage resulting from it, from a court of arbitration.

Where these courts now exist, the following are, I believe, their characteristics:

The country is divided into certain arbitration districts, in each of which the people elect several judges of arbitration, so that the people may have a choice, because the whole business transacted by them is an affair of confidence;

Parties must agree to go to arbitration, and select the judge:

They must commence business by handing in a written declaration that they will abide by the decision of the judge, without any appeal, and the decision of the judge has full force in all courts;

Going to arbitration is a purely voluntary matter;

Parties must state their own cases, and no pleaders for others, no lawyers are admitted;

There is no jury;

The arbitration extends to civil cases only, as a matter of

course;

The judges of arbitration are elected for a limited time; The judge decides on the common principles of fairness; Great care is taken to establish, as the first step, that the parties come into court, truly and verily, of their own accord and free will.

The chief objections to Lord Brougham's repeated propositions to introduce courts of arbitration have been made by professional lawyers, namely, that parties ignorant of their full rights would expose themselves to great losses. The statistics of those countries where these peculiar courts exist

seem to prove the contrary. The number of cases decided by them has been increasing from year to year, and is now, as well as the amount of property upon which they have decided, surprisingly large. Cases in which the disputed property amounted to several hundred thousand dollars have been taken before these courts, and it has repeatedly happened in Prussia, that in a suit before the regular courts of law, the settlement of portions of the suit have been taken, by common consent, to arbitration, and the suit at law has proceeded with the decision of the court of arbitration. It is remarkable that the amount of property at stake, thus taken out of the court of law to the court of arbitration, has sometimes been very large. The establishment of courts of arbitration has produced a signal decrease of litigation and diminution of expenses.

Finally, it may be observed, that the fundamental idea of courts of arbitration somewhat resembles, in one point, the principle upon which, originally at least,' the house of lords, decided as the last court of appeal,-a principle which many of our states had imitated, by giving the last appeal to the state senates, and which, so far as my inquiry has led me to conclude, produced beneficial results. The introduction of courts of arbitration, along with the abolition of elective judges, and especially of judges elected for a short term, would produce the best effects in our country.2

1 At present, when the house of lords sits as a court of appeal, none but the law lords are generally present.

2 In some manufacturing districts on the continent of Europe, for instance in Rhenish Prussia, so called Manufactory Courts exist. They consist of elected employers and employed, and judge of all the minor difficulties which may arise between the employers and the employed out of their immediate relation to one another. The common question, for instance, whether the woven piece, returned by the weaver, contains all the material given to him, or whether it be returned in a perfect state, is adjudged by them. General satisfaction seems to prevail with these courts, whose German name is Fabrik-Gerichte.

CHAPTER XX.

INDEPENDENCE OF JUS, CONTINUED. TRIAL BY JURY. THE ADVOCATE.

41. THE judge cannot occupy a sufficiently independent position between the parties by the accusatorial proceeding alone. If there is not what may be called a division of the judicial labor, separating the finding of guilt or innocence, or of the facts, from the presiding over the whole trial and the application as well as the pronouncing and expounding of the law, the judge must still be exposed to taking sides in the trial. This division of judicial labor is obtained by the institution of the jury. This, it seems to me, is one of the most essential advantages of this comprehensive, self-grown institution. It is likewise a guarantee of liberty in giving the people a participation in the administration of justice, without the ruin and horrors of an administration of justice by a multitude, as it was in Athens. The jury is moreover the best school of the citizen, both for teaching him his rights and how to protect them, and for practically teaching him the necessity of law and government. The jury, in this respect, is eminently conservative. In this, as in many other respects, it is necessary that the institution of the jury exist for the civil trial as well as for the penal, and not, as in many countries, for the latter only. The necessity of the jury does not militate against the arbitration courts, which have proved, as has been stated, a great blessing in all countries in which they have been properly established, or against certain courts of minor importance which may be advantageously conducted without a jury.1

1 For the history of this institution in general, the reader is referred to William Forsyth, History of the Trial by Jury; London, 1852.

The results of trial by jury have occasionally been such that even in England and here, voices have been raised against it. Men feel the existing evil only; they do not see those evils that would result a hundredfold from an opposite state of things. Nor are those, who feel irritated at some results of the trial by jury, acquainted with the operation of trials without jury. So is occasionally the publicity of trials highly inconvenient; yet should we desire secret trials? Liberty, as we conceive it, can no more exist without the trial by jurythat "buttress of liberty," as Chatham called it,' and as our ancestors worshipped it—than without the representative system. But we must remember that in all spheres the exception is patent; the continuous operation of the rule is latent.2

The Declaration of Independence specifies, as one of the reasons why this country was justified in severing itself from the mother country, that Americans have been "deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury."

1 Lord Erskine, when he was raised to the peerage, adopted the words Trial by Jury, as the scroll of his coat of arms.

2 The laxity now, unfortunately so common, in the administration and execution of the laws; the crying evil that in our large cities numerous idlers, of a low character, make their living, during court time, by being ready to serve as jurymen when called upon, of which they are now very sure, owing to the facility with which judges excuse citizens from serving; the frequency of non-agreement and consequent new trials; the length to which the doctrine is carried that juries are judges of law as well as fact; and many other things, have induced several persons loudly to call for the abolition of the jury. They do not seem to know much of history, or they would know that courts without juries are, indeed, not exempt from falling into abuses, or from becoming actual nuisances. Let us imagine our present elective judges without jury, would that mend matters? The opposite is hardly ever the cure of an evil. A glutton would not take the right step of amendment by the resolution of starving himself to death. Our jury trials exhibit many deplorable facts, in the present time, owing to the general spirit of disorder; but the administration of justice, it would seem, suffers far more from want of energy in the judges. Let us fervently hope that the recuperative power which has been shown by modern nations, and by modern nations alone, will manifest itself also with us. At any rate, no good is done, when the ship of state is in danger, by cutting away the very ribs of the ship.

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