second throne' understands bishops, in opposition to primates or metropolitans, which he reckons to be those of the first throne. But the use of the phrase, both in Eusebius, [in Constantine's Letter to Chrestus cited just before,] and Nazianzen 97, leads us rather to believe that he meant presbyters, who sat with their bishop in the church upon thrones, as they style them, of the second order. For this, as I have had occasion to shew in another place 98, was the difference between them, that the bishop's was generally termed the high throne, and the presbyters' the second throne; or as Athanasius 99 calls them, the throne, and the joint-chairs or seats of the presbyters.' The bishop's throne was otherwise called Biμa, the tribunal; as we may see in Eusebius', where he relates the censure of the Council of Antioch, passed on Paulus Samosatensis, for erecting his throne or tribunal too stately, with a veil or secretum to it, in imitation of the tribunals of secular judges, which they did not allow of in the Christian Church; and hence the whole chancel was sometimes called the bema, as I have shewed before. The Latins more commonly use the names of sedes and cathedra for a bishop's throne, whence come our English names of cathedral and see, for a church where a bishop's chair or seat is fixed. The manner of their sitting is noted by Gregory Nazianzen in his description of the church of Anastasia, where he speaks of himself as bishop2, sitting upon the high throne, and the presbyters on lower benches on both sides about him.' And so it is described by the author of the Constitutions 3, and

saltem alium primæ. Id clare verba sonant: unde et perspicuum est, in ea metropolitam fuisse, quum a primæ sedis episcopo non diferat. Secundem autem, quod Chrestus Syracusanus ipse primæ sedis episcopus fuerit, quum ad eum directa sit tractoria, ejusque arbitrio commissum, ut, quos secum adducendos judicaret, ipse eligeret: id enim non nisi metropolitæ convenit, &c.

97 Carm. de Vit. Sua. (t. 2. p. 6 b.) Κάμπτει βιαίως εἰς θρόνους τοὺς SEVTépovs.-Somn. Anastas. See n. 2, following.

98 Β. 2. ch. 9. s. 7. v. I. p. 119. compared with ch. 19. s. 5. of the same, p. 222. &c.

99 Ep. ad Solitar. Vit. Agent. t. I. p. 847. See s. 8. p. 84. n. 81.

1 L. 7. c. 30. (v. 1. p. 361. 17.) Βῆμα μὲν καὶ θρόνον ὑψηλὸν ἑαυτῷ κατασκευασάμενος, οὐχ ὡς Χριστοῦ μαθητής, σήκρητον δὲ, ὥσπερ οἱ τοῦ κόσμου ἄρχοντες, ἔχων καὶ ὀνομάζον.

2 Somn. Anastas. (t. 2. p. 78 b.) Εζεσθαι δοκέεσκον ὑπέρθρονος, οὐχ ὑπέροφρυς,

Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ ὄναρ τῖον ἀγηνορίην. Oi dé poi àμÞoтépwbev vþedpiówvTo γεραιοί,

Ποίμνης ἡγεμόνες, ἔκκριτος ἡλικίη. 3 L. 2. c. 57. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 261.) Κείσθω δὲ μέσος ὁ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου θρόνος παρ' ἑκάτερα δὲ αὐτοῦ καθε ζέσθω τὸ πρεσβυτέριον.

Theodoret 4, who calls the bishop's throne the middle seat' upon this account. And there are some learned persons who suppose all this to be done in imitation of the Jewish synagogues, in which, according to Maimonides, at the upper end looking toward the Holy Land, the law was placed in the wall in an arch, and on each side the elders were seated in a semicircle.

The bishop's seat was usually covered with some decent covering, suitable to the dignity of his office and person. As we learn from Athanasius in his second Apology to Constantius, where he asks,' how they could have any concern for the throne episcopally covered, who sought to kill the bishop, that sat thereon.' And St. Austin 7 seems plainly to allude to this, when he tells Maximinus, the Donatist bishop, that when bishops came to stand before the tribunal of Christ at the last judgment, they themselves would then have no tribunals, no lofty seats or covered chairs, though such honours were exhibited to them for a time in this world for the benefit and advantage of the Church.'

altar or

commu

11. This doubtless was the posture anciently of the thrones And of the of the bishop and presbyters in the Christian Church, as they are represented in the several models of the primitive struc- nion-table. tures. From which it will be easy to observe further, that the place of the communion-table or altar was not close to the wall at the upper end, but at some little distance from it; so as that the bishop's throne might be behind it, and room enough left in a void space to encompass or surround the altar. This seems pretty plain from an expression in Synesius, who speaking of his being forced to take sanctuary, says, 'he would fly into the church, and encompass the altar;' which implies, that it was set in such manner, as that he might go round it. And this is the meaning of Eusebius,

4 L. 5. c. 3. (v. 3. p. 196. 14.) ... Εἰ δὲ ὁ μέσος θῶκος τὴν ἔριν γεννᾷ, ἐγὼ καὶ ταύτην ἐξελάσαι πειράσομαι.

5 See Bp. Hooper, Discourse of Lent, part. 2. ch. 6. (p. 249.) This resemblance, &c.

6 Apol. 2. t. I. p. 736. (t. 1. part. I. p. 109 a. n. 17.) . . . Πῶς δὲ οἱ τὸν θρόνον τὸν ἐστολισμένον ἐπισκοπικῶς ὀδυρόμενοι, τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ καθήμενον

ἐπίσκοπον ἀνελεῖν ζητοῦσιν.

7 Ep. 203. [al. 23.] (t. 2. p. 32 a.) In futuro Christi judicio nec absida [al. apsidæ] gradatæ, nec cathedræ velatæ.... quæ pro tempore propter ecclesiæ utilitatem honori nostro exhibentur.

8 Catastas. (p. 303 b. 4.)... Baδιοῦμαι πρῶτον ἐπὶ τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Θεοῦ· κυκλώσομαι τὸ θυσιαστήριον, κ. τ. λ.

when, having first spoken of the thrones of the bishop and presbyters in the church of Paulinus, he then adds 9, that he set the holy of holies, the altar, in the middle:' which is not to be interpreted, as some have misunderstood it, of the altar's being placed in the middle of the nave or body of the church, but in the middle of the bema, or sanctuary, at such a distance from the upper end, as that the synthronus, the seats of the bishop and presbyters, might be behind it. St. Austin seems to refer to the same thing, when he says 10, the table of the Lord stood in the middle.' And in the Council of Constantinople under Mennas 11 it is represented in such a posture, as that it might be encompassed round. For it is said, when the names of Pope Leo and some others, which had been struck out of the diptychs, were inserted again, the people for joy at the time when the diptychs were read, after the repetition of the creed, ran round about the altar for to hear them.' Dr. Hammond 12 and some other learned men, think, not improbably, that this posture of the altar in Christian churches was something in imitation of the altar in the Jewish temple, to which the Psalmist alludes, when he says, "I will wash my hands in innocency, and so will I compass thine altar:" (Psal. 26, 6.) from whence they suppose the phrase, περικυκλοῦν θυσιαστήplov, compassing the altar, in the ancient Rituals, to be taken. 12. Great dispute has been raised in the last age about the name of the communion-table, whether it was to be called the used in the holy table or an altar. And indeed any thing will afford primitive matter of controversy to men in a disputing age; but we never read of any such dispute in the primitive Church. For the ancient writers used both names indifferently; some calling it altar; others, the Lord's table, the holy table, the mystical table, the tremendous table, &c., and sometimes, both table and altar in the same sentence together. Mr. Mede 13 thinks

Both these

names indifferently

Church.

9 L. Io. c. 4. (v. I. p. 474. 14.) Τὸ τῶν ἁγίων ἅγιον, θυσιαστήριον, ἐν μέσῳ θείς.

10 Serm. 46. de Verb. Dom. t. 10. p. 68. [al. Serm. 132.] (t. 5. p.645 f.) Christus quotidie pascit; mensa ipsius est illa in medio constituta.

11 Act. 5. (t. 5. p. 185 c.) ... Toù ἁγίου μαθήματος κατὰ τὸ συνηθὲς

13

λεχθέντος, καιρῷ τῶν διπτύχων συνέδραμον ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος κύκλῳ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου.

12 Cont. Blondel. dissert. I. c. 13. n. 8. (v. 4. p. 740.) Hinc illud antiqui, &c.

13 Mede, Discourse of Altars, s. 2. (v. I. p. 386.) But now to answer more directly, &c.

it was usually called altar for the two first ages, and that the name table is not to be found in any author of those ages now remaining. Ignatius 14 uses only the name Ovocaσrýpiov, altar, in his genuine Epistles, three of which are alleged by Mr. Mede; to which the reader may add another testimony out of his Epistle to the Magnesians 15, where he uses both the name temple and altar. Irenæus 16 and Origen 17 use the same name, when they speak of the communion-table. Tertullian frequently applies to it the name of ara Dei and altare: Will not your station or fast,' says he 18, be more solemn, if you stand at the altar of God?' that is, receive the communion on a fast-day? So also in his Book Ad Uxorem 19 and De Castitate 20. But they are led into an error by the corrupt edition of Rhenanus, who cites his Books De Pænitentia for the same thing; for though in that edition we find mention made of kneeling at the altar,-aris Dei adgeniculari; yet better editions 21 since teach us to read it more truly,―caris Dei adgeniculari, kneeling down to the beloved of God;alluding to the custom of penitents falling down at the churchdoors, to beg the prayers of the faithful as they went in. Cyprian, the disciple of Tertullian, sometimes uses both names,

14 Ep. ad Ephes. n. 5. (Cotel. v. 2. p. 47.) Μηδεὶς πλανάσθω· ἐὰν μή τις ᾖ ἐντὸς τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου, ύστεpeîTaι TOù aρTOV TOû coû.-Ep. ad Trallian. n. 7. (ibid. p. 66.) ‘O evtòs θυσιαστηρίου ὢν, καθαρός ἐστιν.—Ep. ad Philadelph. n. 4. (ibid. p. 79. Ev θυσιαστήριον [πάσῃ τῇ ἐκκλησία] ὡς [καὶ] εἷς ἐπίσκοπος.

15 Ep. ad Magnesian. n. 7. (ibid. p. 58.) Πάντες [ούν] ὡς εἰς [τὸν] ναὸν Θεοῦ συντρέχετε, ὡς én eva Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν.

......

16 L. 4. c. 34. (p. 328. 7.) Nos quoque offerre vult munus ad altare, frequenter, sine intermissione. Est ergo altare in cœlis, &c.

17 Hom. 10. in Num. 1. p. 207. (t. 2. p. 302 c.) Vereor, ne permanentibus in nobis peccatis nostris, accidat nobis illud, quod de semetipsis dicunt Judæi, quia non habentes altare, neque templum, neque sacerdotium, et ob hoc nec hostias offerentes, peccata, inquiunt, nostra manent in nobis; et ideo venia nulla

subsequitur...... (p. 303 b.) Mandata quidem certa sunt et evidentia, ut observare debeamus custodias tabernaculi, et altaris, et sacerdotii.

18 De Orat. c. 14. (p. 136 a.) Nonne solennior erit statio tua, si et ad aram Dei steteris.

19 Ad Uxor. 1. 1. c. 7. (p. 165 c.) Quantum detrahant [fidei] quantum obstrepant sanctitati nuptiæ secundæ, disciplina ecclesia et præscriptio apostoli declarat, cum digamos non sinit præsidere, cum viduam adlegi in ordinem, nisi univiram, non concedit: aram enim Dei mundam proponi oportet.

20 De Exhort. Castitat. c. 10. (p. 523 b.) [Neither term occurs in the place cited: but in c. II. we meet with the expression, Stabis ad Deum. ED.]

21 De Pœnitent. c. 9. [Compare the Ed. Basil. 1528 with the Ed. Rigalt. Lutet. Paris. 1675. See also before, b. 1. ch. 4. 8. 4. v. I. p. 32. n. 63. ED.]

In what sense the ancients say they had no altars.

table and altar; as when he says 22, Those words of Solomon, (Prov. 9, 2.)" Wisdom has furnished her table, &c.," typified the Christian altar.' But more commonly he uses the name altar alone 23, which argues that to have been at least a very usual name in his time in the African and Latin Churches. Mr. Mede cites also Zeno Veronensis as an author of the third century, contemporary with Cyprian; who is indeed one that speaks plain enough both of the cancelli 24 and the altar: but now learned men 25 are agreed to thrust him down a whole century lower; so that he is not a competent witness for the third age; but he may serve for the fourth, in which age, one may venture to say, there is scarce an author that speaks of the Lord's table, but he also calls it altar. On the other hand it is certain they did not mean by the altar, what the Jews and Heathens meant; either an altar dressed up with images, that is, idol-gods, as the Heathens commonly had theirs adorned; or an altar for bloody sacrifices, which was the use of them both among Jews and Gentiles.

13. In the first sense they always rejected altars, both name and thing. For their altars had no images either above, or about, or upon them, as the heathen altars always had. And

22 Ep. 63. ad Cæcilian. (p. 277.)... Per Solomonem Spiritus Sanctus typum Dominici sacrificii ante præmonstrat immolatæ hostiæ, et panis, et vini, sed et altaris et apostolorum faciens mentionem: Sapientia, inquit, ædificavit sibi domum, et subdidit columnas septem : mactavit suas hostias, miscuit in cratera vinum suum, et paravit mensam suam.— Testim. adv. Jud. 1. 2. c. 2. (pp. 23, 25.) Quod sapientia Dei Christus, et de sacramento incarnationis ejus, et passionis, et calicis, et altaris, et apostolorum, qui missi prædicaverunt; apud Solomonem in Parcemiis Sapientia ædificavit, &c.

23 Ep. 40. [al. 43.] (p. 229.) Aliud altare constitui, aut sacerdotium novum fieri, præter unum altare et unum sacerdotium, non potest.Ep.42. [al.45.] (p. 230.) Considerantes pariter et ponderantes, quod in tanto fratrum religiosoque conventu, considentibus Dei sacerdotibus et altari posito, nec legi debeant nec au

diri.-Ep. 55. [al. 59.] (p. 264.) Quid superest, quam ut Ecclesia Capitolio cedat, et recedentibus sacerdotibus ac Domini altare removentibus, in cleri nostri sacrum venerandumque consessum simulacra atque idola cum aris suis transeant.-Ep. 64. [al. 65.] (p. 282.) Quasi post aras Diaboli accedere ad altare Dei fas sit.-Ep. 70. (p. 301.) Sanctificare autem non potuit olei creaturam, qui nec altare habuit, nec ecclesiam.

24 Serm. 9. ad Neophyt. (ap. Galland. Tract. 30. Invitat. ad Font. I. t. 5. p. 149 b.) Ecclesia [al. Mater nostra]... sacri altaris feliciter enutrita [al. enutritura] cancellis.

25 Cave, Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 176.) Zeno, episcopus Veronensis, quem alii martyrem faciunt, et circa annum 260 passum esse volunt: sed nulla ratione, nulla autoritate fulti. Probabile est claruisse circa annum 360, aliquot ante D. Ambrosium annis, et fuisse Syagrii Veronensis episcopi decessorem.