we have always been desirous to prove our attachment, our fidelity, and our preference. We know, my lord, that it is not for us to influence political transactions. Nature has destined Malta to be determined by relation to its position and its strength, and not to decide on its own arrangements. But it is, nevertheless, for policy to consider its numerous population. Russia, France, and all the other powers of Europe, are too just and too enlightened to condemn the conduct of the Maltese, in their opposition to the reestablishment of an Order, which, by its tyranny, treachery, and corruption, is for ever incapable of inspiring confidence, or of conciliating the minds of the people. If, therefore, my lord, the people of Malta are doomed, by inevitable and imperious circumstances, to endure the pain and affliction of being separated from the empire of his Britannic Majesty, and if the tranquillity of Europe demands that the islands of Malta and Gozo should be placed in a condition of neutrality, we entreat you, my lord, in the name of our constituents, and of every thing most dear and sacred among men, in the name of the rights of nations and of justice, to beseech his Britannic Majesty to vouchsafe to employ his efficacious and powerful mediation with the other powers, in order that the islands of Malta and Gozo may be left in the enjoyment of their independence, under the mutual guarantee of Great Britain and France, and not be treated as a conquered country after that their inhabitants have spilt their blood and exhausted their substance in its defence. You must be sensible, my lord, that, in our quality of deputies, we could not avoid submitting to your excellency the wishes and the intentions of our nation. In citing a part of the crimes of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, we have not merely sought to give vent to our feelings, but to justify, in the Le Marquis Testaferrata. Ph. Castagna, Lieut. des Villes, &c. No. 3.-Minute of the Measures taken respecting M. Chépy.-On the 14th of November, 1802, a letter was written, by Sir George Shee, under Lord Pelham's direction, to General Gordon, commanding at Guernsey; which stated, that his Majesty had refused to allow any of the persons stiling themselves "commissaries of commercial relations," to exercise any of the functions appertaining to that office within his Majesty's dominions. On the 5th of February, 1803, General Gordon was instructed to represent to Mr. Chépy, that as none of the commissaries of commercial relations had been permitted to proceed to the places of their destination, and that some of them had actually returned to France, it would be advisable for him also to repair to that country. On the 9th of March following, General Gordon was directed to order Mr. Chépy to quit Guernsey without delay, if he had not already taken his departure from it. OFFICIAL PAPERS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE PRELIMINARY Published by Order of the French Government. AS soon as the changes which took place in France, on the 18th of Brumaire, were established, the sole desire of the First Consul was to give peace to the world; and he was anxious to determine on the means of doing it. The most direct, appeared to him to be the best. He could not believe, that, after eight years of a war, the result of which had destroyed the hopes of those who had undertaken it, those powers which had been most deter mined in the contest, did not feel the necessity of terminating those calamities which seemed to have no decisive point, and were without the promise of any adequate compensation. He imagined, that a false dignity, and the prejudices attached to old litical systems, might hinder the belligerent parties from advancing the first propositions; po and as the pacification of Europe depended | and the note which accompanied it, were upon their being made, he did not hesitate expressed in the following terms: to do it. He accordingly addressed letters to the Emperor and to the King of England. The letter of the First Consul to the King of England was conceived in the following terms: London, Downing-street, Jan. 4, 1800. Sir, I have received and pre-ented to the inspection of his Majesty the two letters that you addressed to me. His Majesty, seeing no occasion to depart from the forms so long established in Europe on the business which is transacted between different states, has commanded me to return you, in his name, the official answer which is inclosed in this note. I have the honour to be, with high consideration, &c. &c. GRENVILLE. Paris, 5th Nivose, 8th Year. Being called by the wishes of the French nation to fill the chief magistracy of the republic, I considered it becoming me, on taking possession of my charge, to make a direct communication of this circumstance to your Majesty. The war which has, for eight Downing-street, Jan. 4, 1800. years, ravaged the four parts of the world, The King has given frequent proofs of his ought not to be eternal; and surely some sincere desire for the re-establishment of a means might be employed to come to a right permanent tranquillity in Europe. He has understanding on the subject. How is it not been, nor is he now engaged in any possible that the two most enlightened na-contest from false notions of glory. He has tions of Europe, and whose power and strength are more than sufficient to secure their own safety and independence; how can they sacrifice to ideas of vain glory, the welfare of commerce, interior prosperity, and every comfort of domestic life! How is it that they are insensible to the truth, that peace is the first of our wants, and the first object of our glory! These sentiments must be familiar to the heart of your Majesty, who reigns over a free nation, and whose only object is to render them happy. Your Majesty will perceive, that in this overture I have no other object than to contribute efficaciously, and for the second time, towards a general pacification, by some prompt measure, and an entire confidence, disengaged from those forms, which, however necessary they may be to disguise the dependence of inferior states, do not conceal any thing, in the stronger governments, but the mutual desire to deceive. Both France and England, by a misapplication of their strength, may yet for a long time, and to the distress of mankind, retard its dissolution: but I do not hesitate to assert, that the fate of every civilized nation is attached to the termination of a war which embraces the whole world. BONAPARTE. had no other views than to maintain, against all aggression, the rights and happiness of his subjects. It is for these objects that he has hitherto contended against an unprovoked attack: it is for the same objects that he is compelled to continue the contest; and he entertains no expectation that he can remove this necessity by entering into a negotiation with those, whom a new revolution has so lately invested with power in France. In fact, from such a negotiation, the desirable object of a general peace can receive no advancement, till it is clear and evident that those causes cease to operate which originally produced the war, have since prolonged its duration, and which, more than once, have renewed its effects. This system, whose predominant influence France has just reason to consider as the cause of her present misfortunes, is also that which has enveloped the rest of Europe in a tedious and destructive war: and of a nature unknown for a long succession of years to civilized nations. To extend this system, and to exterminate all established governments, the resources of France have from year to year been lavished and exhausted, in the midst of unexampled distress. Owing to this undistinguishing spirit of destruction, the Low Countries, the United Provinces, and the Swiss Cantons, those antient friends and allies of his MaGermany has There was surely every reason to expect, that an overture so frank, so sincere, and so conformable to the interests of the two coun-jesty have been sacrificed. tries, would receive a direct and favourable answer: but the British government, instead of meeting the question of peace fairly, and acceding to the offers which had been made for a negotiation, entered upon a justification of the war, and enveloped herself in recriminations which it was necessary to combat, though at that moment no hope could be entertained of a discussion begun with such an opposition of opinion. The answer of Lord Grenville to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, been ravaged; and Italy, though snatched from its invaders, has been the theatre of frequent pillage and disorder. His Majesty finds himself under the necessity to maintain a difficult and burthensome contest, to secure the independence and existence of his kingdoms. And these calamities are not confined to Europe alone, but are made to reach the most remote parts of the world, even to countries so far removed by their situation, as well as their interest, from the present contest, that of its government, nor in what hands it shall depose the necessary authority for conducting the affairs of a great and powerful nation. His Majesty looks only to the security of his own states, of those of his allies, and of Europe in general: whenever he shall be convinced that this security may be obtained in any way whatever; whether it results from the interior situation of the country, whose interior situation caused the original danger; whether it proceeds from any other circumstance which leads to the same end; his Ma of concerting with his allies a plan ofgeneral and immediate pacification. Unhappily, to the present moment no such security has existed: no pledge of those principles which ought to direct the new government; no reasonable motive to judge of its stability. In this situation, it remains only for his Majesty to pursue, in concert with the other powers, a just and defensive war, which his zeal for the happiness of his subjects will never permit him to continue beyond the necessity to which it owes its origin, or to conclude on any other condi tions but those which, in his opinion, will contribute to secure to them the enjoyment of their tranquillity, their constitution, and their independence. GRENVILLE. its existence was probably unknown to those who are on a sudden involved in all its horrors. While such a system predominates, and the blood and treasures of a populous and powerful nation are lavished to support it, it has been proved by experience, that there is no other way to guard against it, but by open and decided war. The most solemn treaties have only prepared the way for new aggressions and it is to this determined spirit of resistance alone, that is to be attributed the preservation of what yet remains in Europe, of private property, of personal liberty,jesty will embrace with ardour the occasion of social liberty, and the free exercise of religion. In his vigilant attention to the preservation of these essential objects, his Majesty cannot place a confidence in the simple renewal of general professions, announcing pacific dispositions. These professions have been again and again published by all those who have successively directed the resources of France towards the destruction of Europe; and even by those whom the actual governors of France have declared, from the beginning, and at all times, to be incapable of maintaining the relations of peace and amity. His Majesty will experience a very sensible pleasure, when he shall perceive that the danger which has so long threatened his own dominions and those of his allies, exists no more; when he shall be convinced that resistance is no longer a matter of necessity, and when, after such a long succession of crimes and misfortunes, he shall see better principles predominate in France: in a word, when t..ose gigantic projects of ambition, and restless plans of destruction, which have brought into doubt the existence of civil society, are no more. But the conviction of such a change, how agreeable soever it might be to the wishes of his Majesty, must be the result of experience and evidence of facts. In the mean time, the most natural and the best security for the reality and stability of this change, will be found in the re-establishment of that race of princes, who, during so many ages, knew how to secure the internal prosperity of the French nation, and maintain its exterior respect. Such an event would, at the present moment, and in future, remove all obstacles which have been opposed to the negotiation for peace, it would assure to France the incontestible enjoyment of its antient territory, and give to all the other nations of Europe, by calm and peaceable measures, that security which they are now compelled to seek by other means. But, desirable as such an event may be for France, and the whole world, his Majesty does not exclusively attach to it the possibility of a solid and durable peace. His Majesty does not pretend to prescribe to France the form VOL. III. The French minister replied by a note, in which he combatted and disproved all the allegations of the British government; and which he concluded by renewing the formal proposition of a negotiation, and the offer of passports necessary to carry it into effect. Paris, 28 Nivose, An 8. The official note, dated Nivose 28, an 8, add: essed to the minister of his Britannic Majesty, having been offered to the consideration of the First Consul of the French Republic, he remarked with surprise, that his Britannic Majesty relied on an opinion of the origin and consequence of the existing war, which is not altogether correct. So far from France having provoked it, from the very beginning of the revolution she has solemnly proclaimed her love of peace, her indisposition to conquest, her respect for the independence of all governments; and it is not to be doubted, that solely occupied with her own interior affairs, she had avoided to take part in those of Europe, and remained faithful to her declarations. But, by an opposite disposition, as soon as the French revolution had blazed forth, almost the whole of Europe leagued for its destruction; the aggression was in a state of operation long before it became public. Internal resistance was excited; oppo nents were received with favour; their armed re-unions were encouraged; their secret plots were tolerated; their extravagant de L clarations were supported: the French nation was outraged in the persons of its agents, and England set the example in this particular, by the dismissal of the minister which she had accredited. In short, France was attacked in her independence, in her honour, and in her security, long before war was declared. It is to the projects of subjection, of dissolution and dismemberment, which have been prepared against her, and the execution of which has been frequently attempted and pursued, that France is entitled to impute the evils that she has suffered, as well as those which have afflicted Europe. Such projects, though they have been for a long time with out example in such a powerful nation, could not fail to bring on the most fatal consequences. Assailed on all sides, the republic was obliged to direct on all sides the efforts necessary for its defence; and it was for the support of its independence that she has employed the means which were in her power, and the courage of her citizens. While she perceived that her enemies combined to despise her rights, she depended upon the energy of her resistance; but no sooner did they renounce the hope of seizing them, than she manifested a desire for peace; and if her endeavours have not always been efficacious, if in the midst of those circumstances which the revolution and the war have successively produced, the preceding depositaries of the executive authority in France, have not always practised moderation in the same pro. portion as the nation displayed its courage, it must be attributed to the fatal animosity with which the resources of England have been lavished to consummate the ruin of France. But if the wishes of his Britannic Majesty, as he assures us, accord with those of the French Republic, and are for the establishment of peace, why, instead of making an apology, does he not do his utmost to terminate it? and what obstacle is there to prevent a reconciliation, whose utility is general and acknowledged, above all, where the First Consul of the French Republic has personally given so many proofs of his eagerness to terminate the calamities war, and of his disposition to maintain a rigid observance of treaties already concluded? The First Consul of the French Republic cannot doubt that his Britannic Majesty will acknowledge the right of nations to change the form of their government, since it is the exercise of that right by which he holds his crown; but he cannot comprehend on what view of this fundamental principle, on which the very existence of political societies depend, the minister of his Britannic Majesty has been able to adopt that conduct which tends to interfere in the interior concerns of the public, and which is not less in jurious for the French nation and its govern ment, than it would be for England and his Britannic Majesty, as it might excite a disposition towards that republican system, whose forms were adopted by England in the last century; or operate as an exhortation to recall to the throne the family whom birth had placed on it, and a revolution compelled to descend from it. If, at no very distant period, and when the constitutional system of the republic possessed neither the force nor the solidity which it can boast at the present moment, his Britannic Majesty thought proper to propose conferences on the subject of peace, why is he not eager to renew negotiations to which the present and reciprocal state of affairs promises a rapid progress? On all sides the voice of humanity and the people implore the termination of a war already distinguished by such great disasters ; and whose prolongation threatens Europe with an universal shock, and irremediable evils. It is then to arrest the course of these calamities; or that, at length, their terrible consequences should be imputed only to those who provoked them, that the First Consul of the French Republic proposes to put an immediate end to hostilities, in agreeing to a suspension of arms, and in naming, on both sides, plenipotentiaries who shall repair to Dunkirk, or any other town, not less conveniently situated for the rapidity of their rospective communications, and who shall labour without any delay in re-establishing peace and a good understanding between the French Republic and England. The First Consul offers, on this occasion, to give the necessary passports. CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND. This note was followed by the ensuing reply from the English government: Downing-street, 20th January, 1800. The official note transmitted by the minister of foreign affairs in France- and received by the undersigned the 18th of the current month, has been submitted to the King. His Majesty cannot avoid expressing the impres sion he felt, observing that in this note, the unprovoked aggressions of France, which are the sole cause and origin of the war, are systematically defended by those who now govern it, under the same injurious pretexts by which they were originally attempted to be disguised. His Majesty will not enter into a refutation of allegations which are not generally developed, and which (inasmuch as they relate to the conduct of his Majesty) are not only in themselves altogether devoid of foundation, but equally contradicted both by the interior evidence of events, from which they spring, and by the formal testimony given at the time, by the government of France it Vienna, 9th August, 1800. self. With respect to the objects of the note, I to break the negotiations began at Paris, and his Majesty must refer to the answer which to destroy the effect of the preliminaries he has already given. He has exposed, signed by General St. Julien. To attain this without reserve, the obstacles which, in his object, England demanded to take a part in judgment, deprive the present moment of all the negotiations; and Lord Minto presented hope of desiring any advantage from a nego- at Vienna a note, which the Austrian minister tiation. The motives to treat which are immediately forwarded to Paris, and which brought so forward, and on which so much is conceived in the following terms: confidence is placed in the French note, the personal dispositions which are there said to prevail for the conclusion of peace, and the future preservation of treaties, the power to athrm the effect of the dispositions which are supposed to exist, the solidity and continuance of the newly-established system, after such a rapid succession of revolutions; all these things are points which cannot be known but after the test which his Majesty has already required, the result of experience, and the evidence of facts. With this sentiment of sincerity of frankness and solicitude, for the very necessary establishment of peace, his Majesty has pointed out to France the most certain and prompt means to attain this end; but he has declared in terms equally explicit, and with the same sincerity, that he does not entertain a wish to prescribe to a foreign na tion the form of its government; that his thoughts are alone directed to the surety of his own states and of Europe; and that at the first moment when, in his judgment, he can satisfactorily look forward, in any manner whatever, to attain the essential object, he will manifest an earnest desire to concert with his allies, the means of an immediate and general negotiation, for the re-establishment of the general tranquillity. His Majesty adheres firmly to these declarations, and it is only upon such bases, thus established, that his duty to maintain the security of his subjects, will allow him to renounce that vigorous system of defence, to which, under the favour of Providence, his kingdoms owe that security of their possessions which they at present enjoy. GRENVILLE. The undersigned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty has not failed to transmit to his court, all the communications which have been made to him, by order of the Emperor, by his excellence the Baron de Thugot, relative to the correspondence which has taken place between his Imperial Majesty and the French government, respecting the overtures of peace. The undersigned is, in consequence, charged to testify the satisfaction that his Britannic Majesty has derived for this mark of confidence on the part of his Majesty I. and R. The undersigned does not delay, after the authority he has received, to declare, that his Britannic Majesty being anxious to give to the Emperor and to all Europe, the most evident proofs of his cordial and perfect union with his Majesty I. and R., and the value he attaches to the constant preservation of the good understanding and intimate friendship which are so happily established between their crowns and people, is disposed to concur with Austria in the negotiations which may take place for a general pacification: and to send his plenipotentiaries to treat of peace in concert with his. Majesty I. and R., as soon as the intention of the French government to enter into a negotiation with his Britannic Majesty shall be made known to him. MINTO. The First Consul, though he might have mistaken the intention which dictated this tardy measure, gave it a very favourable interpretation. But to prevent the admission of England into the negotiations with the There was now no occasion to continue Court of Vienna, from being the occasion of this negotiation, since England did not con- delay, he required that England, before it ceal her intentions of waiting for those interior became an integral part in a general negotiachanges which she foresaw in France, before tion, should previously agree to a suspension. she would listen to overtures of peace. It of hostilities with France, as was the case was absolutely necessary, therefore, to con- with Austria. This proposition was expressed tinue the war: a general armistice between in a note sent from Paris to Citizen Otto, the French and Imperial armies was con-commissary for the exchange of prisoners, cluded in the month of Messidor. The preliminary articles of peace were even signed at Paris, between France and Austria, by the minister for foreign affairs on one part, and General St. Julien on the other: but England wishing still to retain Austria in her alliance, and entertaining the hope that, from the suspension of hostilities, she might extract some means of continuing the war, endeavoured and which he was to deliver, announcing at the same time, that he was furnished with the necessary powers and instructions to negotiate and conclude the proposed armistice. The terms were as follows: London, 6th Fructidor, An 8. His Imperial Majesty having communi cated to the government of the French Re public, a note from Lord Minto, ervey ex |