of that duty were merely to subsist during the war, and that they were of course no longer in force. He had looked diligently over the different acts of Parliament enacting this duty, and he found that they had been regularly continued in all the acts, and therefore he conceived that they were now in force.

Mr. CORRY, in reply, stated, that the regulation to which he alluded certainly was not now in force. When the duty was first laid on, it was thought necessary to propose this clause for the collecting of the tax, because it was the avowed purpose of the discontented people in Ireland to adopt every means in their power to injure the revenue; but the clause containing these regulations stated, that it should continue in force for three years, provided the war should continue so long. The Hon. Gent. might therefore make himself perfectly easy upon this subject; but at all events, this bill had no reference to the mode of collecting the duties; that would be the subject of other bills, and when they were introduced, the fullest time would be given for examination.

[ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.]-The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the third reading of the Prince of Wales's annuity bill.

would, in his opinion, have been more candid, if, when the Minister brought down the message, he had stated what the message of the Prince of Wales had communicated to the House, viz. that the measure now proposed would not enable his R. H. to resume his dignity: he protested, therefore, against the bill, as not being a sufficient answer to his Majesty's message. When he said the Prince was not satisfied with this measure, he did not allude to the personal feelings of his R. H. He meant that the friends of the Prince, that the public, were not satisfied with it. After the example of economy which the public had observed on the part of the Prince, he was sure they would feel gratified in seeing him restored to his proper dignity and splendour. He conceived that the public feeling was not satisfied, and that they called for something more than was proposed in the present bill. Upon these grounds he contended that the present bill was not sufficient, and therefore he laid in his claims not to be considered, when he voted for this bill, as precluding himself from voting for any further measure that might be brought forward.

Sir WILLIAM DOLBEN begged leave, before the bill passed, to submit to the House a motion which he intended to have made on Friday last, if the House had not adjourned so suddenly. He wished to suggest for the consideration of the House, whether, when they were making this provision for the Prince of Wales (of which he highly approved), they ought not to come to a resolution, which, in his opinion, would tend most essentially to support the dignity and comfort of his R. H. He was sure the Prince of Wales would never enjoy the outward splendour which it was proposed to restore him to, with that real and true comfort which he ought to do, unless his Royal consort had some share in that mark of attachment which the House was now about to shew to his R. H. He conceived there could be nothing improper in this proposition, because his R. H. had expressed himself ready to submit himself to the wisdom of Parliament, and had, with that noble ingenuousness which always marked his conduct, declared that he could not at present resume his dignity. The object of the motion which Sir William said he should submit to the House would be, to appropriate a small part of the annuity of 60,000l. a year, which it was proposed by this bill to grant to his R. H for the better establishment of her R. H. the Princess of Wales. His R. H. had supported his retirement from the proper dignity of his situation, in a manner that entitled him to general admiration ; and he was sure that Royal personage would think that one of the first calls upon his honour would be, to take care that the Princess should have some share in the bounty of that House. She had also supported her retie Itment with the greatest dignity, and therefore

Mr. KINNAIRD said, he wished, before the bill passed, to make a few observations; not that he wished to oppose the bill, for such were the sentiments he felt for the Royal personage to whom it related, that he wished it to pass with the greatest dispatch. He entertained an opinion upon this subject, he believed, in common with many Gentlemen in that House, and with many persons in the country, that the Minister, in bringing down the message, and in bringing in this bill, had made a very advantageous bargain for the country. But though that House ought certainly to take care of the interests of the people, they were also the protectors of the rights and interests of the Prince of Wales. He rose now for the purpose of stating, that although he voted for this bill, it was with a protest that he considered it as not doing above one half of what they were pledged to do by the answer which they had returned to his Majesty's message. He therefore protested against this bill being considered as a definitive arrangement upon the subject, because it did not satisfy the intentions of his Majesty, or of the Prince. He wished to explain what he meant by using that expression. The object of the message was, that such measures should be adopted as would promote the comfort and support the dignity of the Prince of Wales. Now this bill, though it would tend to promote the comfort, certainly would not support the dignity of the Prince of Wales.

that there were Gentlemen who had spirit enough to bring it forward.

was fully entitled to that mark of respect and attachment which he now proposed to shew. In doing so, he was sure they would do that which would be agreeable to his Majesty; they would prove themselves the true friends of his Royal house, and also give the strongest mark of respect and attachment to the Prince of Wales. He should therefore propose a clause for appropriating a small part of the annuity of 60,000ol. a year for the better esta-guage or vehemence of gesture [Mr. Kinnaird blishment of the Princess of Wales. The sum he should propose to appropriate for that purpose, would be 6000l. a year: he was sure the adoption of that motion would be agreeable to the whole nation. He concluded with moving a clause to that effect, by way of rider.

Colonel STANLEY said, he rose with the greatest pleasure to second this motion. Her R. H. had conducted herself, ever since her arrival in this country, in the most exemplary and meritorious manner. He hoped most sincerely that the House would adopt the motion, and that they might have an opportunity of paying their tribute of admiration for her conduct.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he hoped his two Hon. Friends would not persist in this motion, which he was convinced was made with the best motives. With respect to the virtues and conduct of her R. H. the Princess of Wales, there was, he was sure, but one sentiment in that House and in the country. But it was their duty to recollect what was due to the Royal person to whom this bill alluded, and whilst they were giving him a proof of re pect and confidence, he hoped they would not imply, by adopting the motion now proposed, the possibility of their entertaining a suspicion of his conduct: for the adoption of this proposition would certainly imply a doubt of that which the House ought not to doubt. If, therefore, the Hon. Baronet would not consent to withdraw his motion, he should feel himself bound to oppose it.

Sir WILLIAM DOLBEN said, if he thought the clause he had proposed tended to imply the least doubt of hi R. H.'s conduct, he certainly would be the last man in the House to propose it. He had made the motion upon the ground, that his R. H. had thrown himself entirely upon the wisdom of Parliament; and he thought his R. H. had rather that this measure should proceed from a resolution of that House, than that it should be his own act. It was upon that ground, and because he conceived it to be a debt of honour due from that House to the Princess, that he made the motion.

Mr. MARTIN (of Tewkesbury) said, he highly approved the motion, and he was glad

Mr. SHERIDAN said, he was surprised at the expression used by the Hon. Member, as he could not conceive that any spirit was necessary to bring forward this motion; he was also surprised that there had been introduced into this debate any thing like warmth of lanhad, while he was speaking, accidentally struck the Member who sat below him, on the head], The House, he was sure, must feel the propriety of what had fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he trusted that the worthy Baronet would withdraw his motion. An Hon. Member had stated, that the Prince was not satisfied with this measure, but he afterwards explained distinctly what he meant by that expression. The Prince was certainly grateful to the House for this mark of their bounty, and would be grateful for a further mark of it. With regard to the suggestion contained in this motion, he hoped there was no person in that House who supposed that the Prince would resume his dignity without the Princess; and he could assure the Hon. Member that a suggestion of that kind to the Prince was not necessary either from him or from the House; but as the Prince must now continue to apply the same sum of money to the discharge of his debts that he had done for some years, no increase could take place for some time. This, however, furnished another reason why Parliament ought to enable the Prince and Princess of Wales to resume their dignity.

Sir W. DOLBEN then consented to withdraw his motion, and the bill was read a third time and passed, and sent to the Lords for their concurrence.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, Mar. 9.-(See Minutes, p. 403-) [THE KING'S MESSAGE.]-The order of the day for taking his Majesty's message into consideration being read,

Lord HOBART rose to move an address to his Majesty on the occasion. He observed, that he could not entertain the smallest doubt with respect to the motion which he should have the honour to submit to the House. He felt himself justified in anticipating the most perfect unanimity in the present instance. A communication is made from the Sovereign, that the most extensive military preparations were making on the coasts of France and Hol land; and also, that important discussions were pending between his Majesty and the French government, the result of which was very uncertain. In such a situation, he could hardly believe himself justified in supposing

dent there was not a man in that House, or scarcely an individual in the country, who would not join in offering to spill the last drop of their blood, or to spend their last shilling, in support of its honour and its most essential interests: for his own part, after the uniform and decided opinions he had so frequently given, as to the relative situation of the two countries, it could be little expected that a firm and vigorous system of conduct should not meet his full assent and approbation He could not, however, at the same time avoid observing, that he should feel more satisfaction if the Noble Secretary of State had, not only for the satisfaction of the House, but for that of the public and the country, explained a little fuller the situation of the moment, and adverted to those circumstances which have produced such a sudden and marked alteration in the tenour and complexion of his Majesty's councils and measures. He would repeat, that his own opinions on these points had been long formed. He was perfectly satisfied that a system of conduct like that now resolved upon by Ministers, was that most likely to conduce to the preservation of peace, a wish in which all true friends to their country must unite. A system of firmness and vigour was much more likely to ensure the continuance of peace, than that line of conduct heretofore adopted by Ministers. Indeed, in his opinion, the only chance that now remained for the preservation of that blessing, was the effect of the measures now proposed: of concession, and attempts at soothing our late adversary, we had had too much. Had this line of conduct been

that a difference of opinion could prevail as to the line of conduct proper or necessary to be adopted. In a partial consideration of the subject, he by no means wished to disguise from their Lordships-indeed it was a point of which they must in general be well aware, namely, that there existed reasons for thinking that the state of certain of the French possessions abroad was such as might warrant or call for the preparations that were making by France, independent of any hostile designs which possibly might be harboured by her government; but they must also at the same time see and feel for the situation of their own country; and that, while discussions of the utmost importance are depending, they could not be justified in not taking those precautions which the security and honour of the country required. With respect to any detailed exposition of those discussions, he could hardly think that at the present time any thing of the kind could, with any shadow of propriety, be expected from him. He conceived it sufficient to say, in the present instance, that he saw no necessity for the discussions not terminating satisfactorily; at the same time, it must be perfectly obvious to the House, that it was the duty of Ministers to be prepared for the alternative. It was certainly the earnest wish of Ministers not to see the tranquillity which subsisted between the two countries interrupted; but they at the same time hoped that nothing would be wanting on the part of the country to enable them to maintain that tranquillity in a way consistent with the honour, the security, and the true interests of the British nation, the spirit, the energy, and the re-adopted earlier, in all human probability no sources of which, he doubted not, would be successfully exerted on such an occasion as the present. Under these impressions, he would no longer detain their Lordships, but move an address to his Majesty on the occasion of his most gracious message. The Noble Secretary of State then moved the address, which was couched in the usual form, echoing his Majesty's message, and fraught with assurances of the cordial support of the House.

On the message being read from the Woolsack, and the question put,

Earl SPENCER rose, chiefly, if not entirely, for the purpose of signifying his full approbation of the proposition just now made by the Noble Secretary of State. He anticipated with the Noble Lord the most perfect unanimity on the occasion, and felt with him cordially as to the right line and system of conduct which was proper to be pursued on such a crisis as the present. He also felt that in the relative situation of Great Britain and France, there existed circumstances, that, under whatever degree of uncertainty, called for the measures at length resolved upon by his Majesty's Ministers. The present crisis in which this country was involved, he held to be of that import ance and magnitude, as to render him confi

necessity for it would exist at the present moment. However, as matters stood, he hailed this first appearance of spirit and vigour in the national councils with joy and gladness, as the only means left for our salvation. He had at present nothing farther to offer; but upon an occasion of such great importance and magnitude, he could not give a silent vote, consistently with his feelings of duty, or the dictates of his conscience.

Lord GRENVILLE said, he had but a few words to offer on the present occasion. He cordially agreed with what fell from his Noble Friend who spoke last; but, like him, the part he had always taken with respect to similar discussions, prevented him from giving a silent vote. He thought with his Noble Friend, that the adoption of the system now about to be acted upon was the only one that could preserve the blessings of peace to the country; he was likewise of opinion, that a system of firmness and dignity, if earlier acted upon, would have ensured the continuance of peace, and certainly have obviated the necessity of such an incipient system at present. It was, he was firmly convinced, only because such a system was not earlier adopted, that the continuance of peace was now questionable.

sion, no serious apprehensions from our late enemies were declaredly entertained by Ministers, though, notwithstanding these declarations, they thought it necessary to propose an increase of our establishment: at that time every thing was doing or done in France, as fully as at the present moment, when such serious apprehensions seemed to be entertained. They should be given to understand at least what it was that had thrown such a new colour on the pretensions of the enemy; what change there was in the situation of France, or in the tone held by its ruler. Some intimation of these should at least be given, in order to enable them to judge of the extent of the proceeding now going on. Perhaps to a certain degree these explanations might be de

However, its adoption even now, would afford to the country the best chance for the maintenance of that blessing; but at the same time he had to observe, that the conduct of • Ministers in the present crisis should be such, as to enable the country to feel and know its real situation; by which means, if the injustice of our adversary rendered it necessary to call forth the full powers and resources of the country, they could be used with the greatest vigour and effect. The reasonings of that day were warranted by the experience of the last eighteen months; they had seen the consequences resulting from a system of concession and meanness, in which all their attempts at conciliation only elevated the arogance and the pretensions of the French government. If there was any chance remaining for the pre-clined, on the ground that speaking too fully servation of peace, it would proceed from the measures now resorted to; at the same time it was with regret he had to consider, that in consequence of the former conduct of Mini. sters, if we were now driven to the alternative of war, we should have to meet a state of war under many and great disadvantages. Cessias the most important and valuable had been made with a view to operations either of an offensive or a defensive nature: these considerations should not withhold his concurrence from the present motion; on the contrary, he rejoiced at this first appearance of sound political wisdom and vigorous determination on the part of Ministers; he hoped such a system would be acted upon with due energy and perseverance. Upon the whole, the motion had his hearty concurrence; and he was confident there could be no difference of opinion in that House on such an occasion. They were in the present instance simply called upon to concur in measures for strengthening the hands of the King with necessary powers, at a crisis wherein discussions of acknowledged importance and magnitude were pending, the result of which was known to be uncertainthey were called upon no farther. His Lordship concluded with expressing his hearty assent to the motion.

out might give umbrage to the ruler of France: umbrage to that new Hannibal, who has sworn or the altars of insatiable ambition an eternal enmity to this country! He would ask, has this man never shewn any disposition to induce unfavourable sentiments and conduct, on the part of others, against this country? After expatiating some time on the manifest disposition of the First Consul of France against Great Britain, he contended that we should place ourselves on the defensive, but in a dignified attitude; that we should be prepared for the worst; that we should betray no marks whatever of despondency or dismay, but come forward manfully, and shew ourselves not afraid of the result of the alternative of war. A genuine and useful spirit should be shewn by our government, and not an empty parade of valour; for if the First Consul had really advanced so far in his system, as avowedly to render such precautionary measures necessary on the part of our government, he had lost all hope of its stopping there; their conduct in such case should be such, as in effect to appeal to the sense of the French nation against the ambition and injustice of its ruler; to let them fairly see and decide, whether, in conse quence of the headstrong passions of one man, they would be willing again to plunge into all the calamities of war. The effect of such a The Earl of Mo12A, in expressing generally line of conduct, if any thing of that kind his concurrence in the motion, observed, that could, would be to restrain the ambition of his support was rather qualified by the seem- the First Consul, and to induce him seriously ing backwardness in the Noble Secretary of to pause before he should proceed to extremiState, to give that degree of explanation which ties. A decided tone and vigorous system of he thought necessary, and at the same time policy on our parts, would more than any unexceptionable; there were of course certain other be likely to prevent hostilities between reservations, and these proceeded chiefly upon the two countries: such, in fact, as would the following grounds: First, they were by no have the effect, comparing little things to means satisfied that the causes which induced great, of preventing a quarrel between any two Ministers to come as they now did, did not manly Englishmen-" On such terms I would exist even long before: the conduct of the wish to remain at peace; but set your foot on French government in many respects was well such a place, and I shall consider it as the signal known. They were also unsatisfied whether for instant war!" Such a mode would best the crisis said to be now arrived might not conduce to the preservation of peace, even have been prevented or obviated if earlier with a country governed by the most despotic taken up, and the attention of Parliament ruler. With respect to any important objects called thereto. At the close of the last ses-in a train of negotiation, he confessed it might

tone and attitude which should convince the enemy that no invader that should set his foot in this country should be suffered to return to tell of his fate.

The Earl of WESTMORLAND made a few observations upon the general subject. He contended, that Great Britain was of herself amply capable of asserting her honour, maintaining her dominions, and preserving her independence. In such a contest she needed no ally. Let republics court the alliance, or unite themselves to the Great Nation; the kingdom of Great Britain, under the auspices of its sovereign, aided by the spirit and resources of its people, would stand alone, and in a dignified attitude. It was then unnecessary, as well as obviously improper, to enter into the discussion of certain points adverted to by the Noble Earl, though in another point of view, the forbearance of that Noble Lord to inquire was highly entitled to approbation. He trusted that due confidence would be placed in Ministers on the present occasion, as it was but fair to deem of them that they would not rashly throw away those blessings of peace which they had so greatly exerted themselves to attain and secure. He could assure his Noble Friends that his Majesty's Ministers were as anxious for the preservation of those blessings as any men possibly could be.

be improper now to inquire; but he hoped that information respecting those would, as soon as practicable, be laid before the House, as the people should, as soon as possible, be apprized of their real situation. Considering the subject in another point of view, and urging the policy of vigorous preparation, his Lordship observed, that we should not calculate upon the attempts of Buonaparté, according to those principles or motives of conduct which actuated any other man. We should make up our minds, as to the probability at least, of attempts upon this country; but for these we should be prepared; we should look the danger full in the face; and more, we should let our adversaries know that we are so determined. Their boast, "that England cannot contend single-handed against France," should not go unnoticed. Whatever purpose they might have against us was, perhaps, when we were encumbered with what they would call assistance. But how stood the fact? It was, that when we were single-handed with France we were always successful, and of this he thought his Noble Friends near him (Lords Nelson and Hutchinson) afforded a good practical illustration. But above all, our adversaries should be made to understand, that if contending with them in this country, we most confidently looked for signal and decisive success. In such a possible contingency, the safety of the capital should be especially looked to. We should not talk of the impracticabi- Lord AUCKLAND expressed his conviction lity of invasion; we should consider the ex- that the steps lately adopted were not unadtent of coast possessed by, as well as the cha-visedly taken, and that no wish whatever was racter of the adversary we had to contend with. Therefore, what was possible was practicable, and what was practicable we should consider as likely to be attempted. We should consider that in such a contest we should be playing our last stake. Such a contest should not be managed under a common-place system or official practice of war: if so, we were lost indeed! but the strength, the resources, the energies of the people and the country, should be called forth and fairly brought into action. The first object of the enemy in a descent, would doubtless be the capital: its security should be first looked to. A great and powerful army should be stationed be tween it and the coast; this he would wish to be understood; and so circumstanced, he was of opinion, the officer commanding the British force ought to lose his head if he did not come to an action with the enemy before they reached the capital. In such a crisis, the destruction of one army ought to be risked against that of the other. After dwelling upon these points, and urging the necessity of securing the capital especially from attack | (among other ill effects of which, the temporary elation it might give to the few disaffected spirits should be guarded against), he again urged the superior policy of vigorous preparations, and a determination to be prepared for the worst; and, above all, to assume that

entertained by Ministers to plunge the country again into the calamities of war. He adverted to the colossal strength of France, and to the great extent of her continental possessions or influence, and scouted the principle advanced on the part of France, that Great Britain had no right to interfere in the concerns of the continent. There were several instances, as illustrated by his Lordship in argument, where that interference would be not only justifiable, but laudable. After commenting some time on the prosperous situa tion and circumstances of this country, and her ability, in every point of view, successfully to cope with France, his Lordship adverted particularly to the financial concerns of England, which, he observed, it was of late so much the practice to depreciate in France: it was to evince to the world, and to that country in particular, the unprecedented prosperous financial situation of this country. that he moved for the various accounts which were then before the House. To establish the positions adverted to, the Noble Lord entered into a variety of financial calculations, from which he deduced, that the country now possessed, after a discharge of debt, an income of not less than seventeen millions a year. This income, in consequence of various operations, was increasing from day to day; and a rapid progress was making in the liquidation of debt.