March 1803, an army was to be paid 243 millions of livres, voted for that year; and the charge of the navy was larger in proportion for the same period, amounting to 126 millions of livres. He then went over those parts of the Correspondence which applied to the offer that was made for the guarantee of Malta by the Emperor of Russia, &c. and alleged the reason why such a guarantee did not take place. He made several comments upon this part of the case, tending to shew that it was not the fault of this country that this part of the treaty was not carried into full execution. became impracticable by their being overwhelmed. However, the interference of this country had not been totally useless in that respect; for although our wishes were not accomplished, yet much had been accomplished by our exertions; for he had reason to apprehend that our exertions had been the means of preventing the First Consul from declaring himself their first magistrate. He was convinced of this from the information of those who had an opportunity of observing what passed in Switzerland, and from which he learnt that the interposition of his Majesty's Ministers in that respect had been beneficial-The Hon. Gent. (Mr. Fox) had said, that to the people of Switzerland. More might he believed the war might yet be avoided: the have been done, had their disposition been war could certainly not be avoided, because properly supported, and more would have the war was already begun; but if the Embeen endeavoured by Ministers in that case; peror of Russia, or any other considerable but it was discovered that there was no corre- power, should be pleased to interfere, with sponding disposition in the other great powers friendly intentions, and make any proposition of Europe to make a common cause with the of a practicable nature, by which peace may be people of Switzerland. There were therefore restored, he was sure there was not any indino farther means left in this country for that vidual in the House, or in this country, who purpose. The course which he should take would be more glad to attend to it than him. would be to shew, that the whole of the con- self; and he would go further, and say, that duct of the government of France, taken col- he should betray his duty to his Sovereign lectively, was manifestly the animus to injure and to his country, if he did not endeavour to and insult this country, and that it was under forward such an understanding, always rea conviction of this animus that the question meinbering, that such object should appear of peace or war was properly to be decided. practicable before it should be recommended He maintained that all the parts, taken collec- to the consideration of his Majesty, consisttively, manifested than animus. An imputa-ent with the honour of the Crown, and tion had been cast on his Majesty's Ministers, also of advantage to the country; he meant as if they had neglected their duty in not hav- not the apparent advantage in the opinion of ing demanded satisfaction upon points as they some persons, but the real advantages of the occurred; but it did appear to him, and he people, and to give them the advantages of trusted it would appear to the House, that sa- | peace; to give us the prospect of peace. He tisfaction had been demanded on each particu- was not so vain as to talk of a permanent lar case which required it. He then referred peace, but a real prospect of the real enjoyto the Correspondence in several particularsment of peace. Whenever that proposition relating to the Report of Sebastiani, from should be thought advisable to be made, he which he contended, that it appeared to be should feel a great satisfaction in being the inthe determination of the French government strument in laying it before his Majesty, and to interfere with respect to Egypt, and to con- in advising his Majesty to shew that which he duct itself contrary to the express provisions had indeed invariably manifested, an inclina of the treaty of Amiens, which provided for tion to peace, when peace can be obtained the integrity of the Turkish empire; and to with honour; and a repugnance to war, when various other parts of the Correspondence be-war was unavoidable; but under the present tween Lord Whitworth and the French Mini- circumstances, he should deceive the country, eter, as well as to the long conference therein if he said he saw any thing in the disposition detailed, as it took place between Lord Whit- of the French government which warranted worth and the Chief Consul himself; and also such an expectation. We ought therefore to to what related to Malta in particular; and prepare for meeting all the difficulties of an maintained that it appeared from these extracts, arduous contest. if by any false advice we that his Majesty's Ministers had never omitted were to be lulled asleep, or to relax in our enany part of their duty, but had with great care deavours for the preservation of the state, bỵ and attention endeavoured to perform it. He which cur security was maintained, and leave maintained that it appeared in every article all our chance to the caprice of fortune, not that it was the disposition of the French go- only should we then not discharge our duty to vernment to avail itself of every opportunity the country, but the country itself might not that occurred to shew its hostile temper, and then be at any great distance from ruin. And to manifest a determination of going to war, he was desirous this should be impressed on or of rendering war inevitable; that they had the mind of every individual Member who did made preparations for that purpose by an aug-him the honour to attend to him, that he did mentation of their forces, for that it appeared, not, and that he could not ask for support on that from the 4th of February to the 4th of any thing less than a conviction, that he who | does support this system must make up his mind to great sacrifices in a case which required them, and which had been proved to be necessary, as he had stated already, and which had been recommended by the highest force and authority in the House yesterday (that of Mr. Pitt). We must provide effectually for our domestic security; many persons, he was aware, must be put to great inconvenience, and they must suffer great privations for the purpose of having the country secured against the danger and the hatred with which it was already menaced. He wished to impress upon the House these truths; that the present war was founded upon unavoidable necessity, and that there is in his Majesty's Ministers a sincere disposition to terminate this war whenever it can be terminated with honour; but he was also anxious to impress upon the House, that it must make up its mind to meet our difficulties properly in the face. The only regret he felt was, that state to which the House was necessarily driven by the want of unanimity; he would therefore indulge a hope, that the Hon. Gent. opposite to him who had moved the amendment last night (Mr. Grey), would sacrifice a private opinion in this case to the advantages of unanimity. The Hon. Gent. opposite to him, who opened this debate to-night, had well and patriotically said, there was no sacrifice consistently with conscience, which he would not make for the sake of unanimity in this case. He said the same thing, and Ministers entreated that no Member in the House would feel the slightest expression of approbation on any part of the conduct of Ministers, either to preserve peace, or to any terms here made. Under these circumstances, what the motive could be for depriving the country of the benefits of unanimity on this most important occasion he could not possibly discover. The difference between the sentiments contained in the address and those in the amendment, in the opinion of any man of plain common sense, was literally nothing. There was no reason for depriving the country of the advantages arising from a general concurrence of sentiment on this occasion. He should therefore entertain a hope that the Hon. Gent. would examine attentively the words of the address propounded by his Noble Friend, and also the amendment moved by the Hon. Gent. and then he should leave it to the gentlemen on the other side to see if they could have any ground for resisting the address. With respect to the papers now upon the table, he should say nothing of them by way of conament, he should leave them to speak for themselves; he was satisfied they furnished abundant materials for satisfying the House that the French were pursuing a course of aggrandizement which was inconsistent with the honour of this country. In a word, the cause we had to sustain was founded on incontrovertible justice, against insult and aggression; a cause which had left to his Majesty or Parliament no alternative. The ATTORNEY GENERAL could not suffer the eloquence of the Hon. Gent. (Mr. Fox) to pass unnoticed, as it was a cloak to sentiments which were calculated to destroy the unanimity of the House. The amendment he did not so much object to as his speech that accompanied it; the arguments which the Hon. Member had offered to the House were cal culated to do much mischief, as they were founded in ingenuity. He had talked much of the value of the blessings attending peace; the House also knew the value of peace as well as the Hon. Gent.; but he would say, that peace could not be valuable to the country when maintained at the hazard of our ruin, and per haps the loss of our nation. Let any man look over the papers now on the table relative to the negotiation between this country and France, and he was sure it would be immedi ately acknowledged, that the French wished to destroy the British power. Every person who has considered the subject without pr judice, must see the necessity to check the ambition and overgrown power of the First Consul. He did not wish, at this late hour, to intrude on the time of the House, other wise he had materials before him that would convince the House of the immediate necessity to commence a war against a powerful and dangerous enemy. Mr. WINDHAM said it was not his intention to trouble the House many minutes, but the arguments offered by Mr. Fox appeared to him fallacious, and he could not but express his disapprobation of the sentiments delivered by that Hon. Gent. The question before the House was certainly of considerable moment; he could not approve of the Hon. Gent.'s (Mr. Fox) arguments, if arguments they may be called. That Gent. had told the House that it was his wish to suspend hostilities, in order to see whether the negotiation may not be kept open for the benefit of a peace: this would be giving time to our enemy, and doing us a considerable injury; he could not but think the arguments which the Hon. Gent. had offered to the House went like poisoned arrows to each Member, and was the effect of wickedness. To encourage delay, under any flattering hope of peace, would be a stab to the country, and place it at the foot of our enemy. Mr. Fox had talked of the income tax; but how would the people of this cou try like an income-tax laid on by the French? If the Hon. Gent. could shew by any possible means, that the interference of the Russian power would produce a good effect, he work support the measure proposed. Mr. Fox had used eloquence to destroy every thing that is valuable to society. It had been said by that Hon. Gent. that he did not wish to see the Rt. E Hon. Gent. (Mr. Pitt) in the House, as he had given his support to the question. But he should always be happy to see that Rt. Hon. Gent. in the House, as he was one of the brightest ornaments of the state. He considered it a perfectly just war, and a peace under the present situation of affairs would be dangerous to the country. The House of Commons he considered like an assembly of surgeons, convened to execute a great but delicate operation; and he would ask, whether it would not be better to give the patient a little pain, than let him perish by false kindness. This was the exact state of the country at the present moment: we must suffer pain, to save our country from becoming a heap of ruins; it was therefore necessary we should lose a limb to preserve our body. He should for these reasons support the original question. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, May 25-(See Minutes, p. 818.) [WAR WITH FRANCE.]-Sir ROBERT PEELE said that he had a decided objection to war in any shape, for he conceived it to be the greatest of all evils to the human race; and it should be always his endeavour, while he had a seat in that House, to get rid of a situation so deplorable; but with respect to this war, it did not appear from the papers on the table that it was brought upon us in consequence of any fault of the present Administration. It did not appear to be the desire of the French to obtain the rock of Malta: they had other objects in view. He believed the rock of the English constitution was what they really aimed at he conceived it was our liberty, protected by our constitution, that gave the most uneasiness; a constitution which reflected so strong a light to the people of France, that it gave them a perfect insight into the rotten state of their own society. He conceived that the French people, who had so long been struggling for liberty, who were an enlightened people, and who valued freedom, would wish us well, and wish a happy issue to this contest. Mr. HENRY LASCELLES said that the conduct of France ever since the peace had been atrocious, and ever since they had the opportunity, they had pursued a system of aggrandizement, and of insult and aggression to every country they could; so that we could not remain in security. Provocations had been offered to this country, which, in ordinary times, would have been considered as a declaration of war; and he did consider that every mean had been employed by us to procure satisfaction, and to avert the calamities of war. France had put it to us, whether we would sacrifice every thing to support ourselves in an insecure peace. He thought that a state of war, evil as it was, yet was preferable to a VOL. III. state of peace under such circumstances as we were surrounded by since the treaty of Amiens, because such a peace must be liable to conti nual interruption, and, circumstanced as this country was, must be fatal. Mr. BANKES found it impossible to vote for the address, because it stated that uniform endeavours had been used on the part of this country to preserve peace. Now this he could not assent to, after he had read the instruc tions given to Mr. Moore. At the same time he did not concur altogether in the amend ment, nor in the arguments by which it had been supported by an Hon. Member last night (Mr. Fox). Sir RICHARD HILL believed in his conscience that Ministers had been anxious for the preservation of peace, and were sincerely grieved that it should be interrupted, and that they would have sacrificed every thing consistent with the honour and security of the country, to prevent a rupture. Mr. HOBHOUSE considered it his duty to express his approbation of the conduct and wisdom of his Majesty's Ministers; and he was sure every Member of the House who had taken a view of their conduct, would concur with him in bestowing praise on those Hon. Gent. who had made every endeavour to continue peace, The conduct of the French to Switzerland was sufficient ground for this country to enter into a war with a people who have become so powerful and dangerous. Ministers have not been blind to the intentions of the First Consul, and therefore they had done right to maintain the Cape and Malta. No man could be so blind as not to see that the French wished to increase their power in the East: Malta was therefore the object of their desire. He was, however, happy to find that our Ministers had used every precaution to prevent their extension of dominion in Egypt and the East Indies. The French had gone beyond all bounds of reason, honour, and every thing that constitutes greatness in a nation. It was now time to look after the safety of our own country. He was proud to say that every honour was due to Ministers for the wisdom they have manifested on this important occasion, and their attention to preserve the liberty and the dignity of the island. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE said that the people of this country were not to be alarmed by any dreadful picture that may be exhibited to them against a war, when their property and liberties are in danger; and he was sure they would not suffer the French to get a foot of British ground, but shed their blood to preserve the envied blessings of England; envied they had long been, and now are, by a despe rate enemy: but he could answer for the courage of his countrymen, that they never would * 2 z tamely lose those liberties, of which they are now the happy participators: he hoped the people would follow up the war with spirit, agreeable to the old saying, have a "long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together.". Mr. WILBERFORCE said, that he did not think the amendment contained any thing improper in it. The part of the address which had occasioned so much observation, and had met with so much opposition, was the lines which expressed " the uniform conduct of the Ministers to preserve peace." No man could suppose for a moment, but his Majesty's Ministers wished to maintain peace between the two countries: therefore by what he said of them respecting their inattention to the blessings of peace, it could only be understood that they had not made use of the best endeavours to produce peace. He wished Ministers had encouraged the Russian power to mediate between France and this country, which might, in his humble opinion, be still the means to settle the differences between the two countries. He allowed that the French had given many proofs of their want of attention to the treaty of Amiens, and had acted in violation of all principle, consequently we must be on our guard, and make the best endeavours to curb the ambition of French power, and convince them that England is not to be trifled with. It was true, that the people of this country must suffer, in order to make our enemy suffer, and that taxes would be laid on the subject to carry on the war; but these are trifles compared with the importance of our religion, morality, and all those rights dear to Englishmen. He was certain he spoke the voice of the people when he told the House, that, from one end of the nation to the other, there would be an unanimity to defend the shores of Great Britain. cessful than I do; and whatever difference of opinion may prevail as to the grounds of the war, to which I shall not now refer, I am persuaded that there cannot be a dissentient voice upon this question-that it is desirable to bring it to an honourable termination as thought it my duty to call the attention of the soon as possible. With this view I have House to a proposition which, I understand, has been recently made by the Emperor of Russia, to interpose his mediation for the complete settlement of the differences subsisting between Great Britain and France. Such is the disposition which has been manifested by the sovereign of Russia, and of which it is the object of the motion with which I shall conclude, to recommend that his Majesty's Ministers should immediately avail themselves. It is almost unnecessary for me to recite the various advantages which must result from the mediation of this power ful, respected, and much-esteemed sovereign; and among the most valuable of those advan tages would be this, that should you be obliged to prosecute the war for the attainment of any objects of which that sovereign should approve, you would have the mate have the sanction of his great name--you rial support of that approbation-you would would have the opinion of the world in your favour-and is not this, I would ask, a con sideration of consequence? If you had no other motive for accepting the proposed mediation, this instance would it be desirable. this ought to influence you. But not only in might, through means of this mediation, contrive to procure the adjustment of not merely the question respecting Malta, but, in fact, of all the points in dispute. Impressed as I am with this idea, and believing it quite practica ble, I cannot but be anxious for the interests of my country, and for the peace of Europe, that his Majesty's Ministers should not let the opportunity pass by-that they will not allow themselves to overlook the means which Friday, May 27.—(See Minutes, p. 819.) this offers of accomplishing all the objects [MEDIATION OF RUSSIA.]-Mr. Fox. Ition. The power and character of the me they desire, of security, honour, and satisfac rise in pursuance to the notice I gave on a for-diator, and the rank which he holds in Eumer day, in order to submit to the House a motion of the utmost importance, a motion, perhaps, of as much consequence, considering the present situation of public affairs, as ever was discussed in this House; and it is from a conviction of its importance alone that I should be induced to trespass on your attention; but that trespass, however, shall be very short. Into the general question of the present war I do not now mean to enter. From my opinions, which I took occasion to state very fully on a former evening, a majority of this House has thought proper to differ, and to the judgment of that majority I bow with respect. The country is now engaged in war, and it shall therefore have my most ardent support. No one can wish it to be more suc HOUSE OF COMMONS. You spect to his character, it stands upon the most elevated ground; and if the report of all rope, justify the strongest hopes. With reserved-just to the people committed to his men speaks true, that elevation is highly de government, and benevolent to all mankind, he is generally known to be extremely de sircus for the preservation of the peace of Eu rope. If so (and I have no doubt of the fact would any power in Europe attempt to resist pression of that monarch's opinion?-I understand that this Prince is very much affected our claims, when seconded by the decided exby the changes which have taken place in the situation of Europe, that he is warmly at tached to peace, and that no one can be more disgusted than he is with the conduct of love of peace-just the same reason induced me to subscribe to the Northern Convention, Then I contend you are as much bound to make a sacrifice to the peace of Amiens, as I am to sacrifice to the Northern Convention." But when this Prince shall come to address himself to the French government, he might speak upon still stronger grounds. It is reported that a proposition was some time since made by France to a certain European power (and no one doubts that this power is Russia), to divide the territory of the Turkish empire. This report is alluded to in a paragraph of his Majesty's Declaration, and it is there stated, that this proposition was distinctly refused. The Emperor would therefore stand upon the highest grounds in talking of the French government. He might say, "You proposed to me the dismemberment of Turkey, which is an object that has been much wished for by my predecessors, and for which, therefore, I might naturally be supposed to entertain an heredi tary partiality; but I would not adopt your proposition, because I felt that it would not be just in me to invade the possessions of a neighbouring power, although I am quite sen France since the treaty of Amiens. I cannot conceive then, a character whose mediation it would be more suitable to our wishes and more for our interest to accept. In the situation in which the country is at present placed, it is peculiarly happy that the offer has been made. Upon this particular point I am very sanguine, because I am convinced that if acceded to it may be productive of the best consequences, and, if refused, I am apprehensive of many unfavourable effects. I think it would tend to the satisfactory termination of the war, and also to a satisfactory regulation of the state of the continent. It may be said that I am too sanguine; perhaps so; but yet I have no difficulty in saying, that there exists a strong probability to warrant my expectations. If any one were to ask me, was I certain that such effects as I have described would flow from the mediation of the Emperor of Russia, I fairly own that I would answer in the negative. But of this I am certain, that no injury can arise from it, and that much good may; therefore I would exhort Ministers to avail themselves of it. If I am asked my opinion of the present state of the continent, I would say that it is very far from being sa-sible that I have as much right to do so as you tisfactory; but I would ask in return, can you have. If you use lofty language, I am not amend that state by a war? Can you promise less entitled to do so; but I prefer peace to yourself any such thing? If France be far- the gratification of any arrogant pretensions or ther inclined to oppress the weaker powers of ambitious projects, and you should do the the continent, how do you propose, with the same from the same solicitude. I abstain from means you now have, to prevent it? How any hostile attacks on other powers, and you can you contrive in any degree to restrain the should abstain also." Such are the terms in spirit of aggrandizement in that quarter of which this Prince could speak, and if urged to which you so much complain? This offer of it no doubt would, if you accept his mediation. mediation, therefore, you should gladly re- Let me, therefore, advise you to attach yourceive, for two reasons: First, in order to ad- self to that power from which alone you can just the points in which you are more imme- expect to derive any material assistance todiately concerned yourselves; and secondly, wards accomplishing the ends you have in with the view of settling the state of the view, either of an honourable and immediate continent. Why then should Ministers de- peace, or a successful war. With that power cline an offer now, which they would have alone if you could contrive to form a close albeen happy to embrace at any period of the liance, you would be able to protect all the negotiation? The enemy has expressed a other states of Europe from unjust attack. It is readiness to accept it, and how will it appear well known that a strong desire of peace preto Europe should you attempt to refuse it? vails among the people of France; but howI strongly advise you not to do so. If there be ever general and sincere that opinion may be, any wisdom or moderation in the French go- will not war become somewhat popular when vernment, you will, through the medium of it is stated to them, that their government was this mediation, be enabled to restore peace willing to submit the consideration of their upon terms of justice and honour; and cer- case to the Emperor of Russia, but that Eng tainly there does not exist a power so compe- land refused to avail itself of that Monarch's tent to the object as the proposed mediator, offer to mediate? This will furnish presumpnor one that has a fairer right to interpose its tive evidence against you. It would be mateinfluence for the preservation of the peace of rial to your purpose to deprive the French goEurope. He may say to this country, "Ivernment of this advantage. Some Gentle have agreed to an arrangement with you upon certain points of great importance to my naval power, which was not in all respects satisfactory to my wishes, but yet I acceded to it from the love of peace, and from the same motive I shall adhere to it. You complain of the terms of the treaty of Amiens, and so do I of the terms of the Northern Convention; but you say you agreed to that treaty from the men affect to say that a proposition has been made by the Russian Emperor of such a na ture as not to promise any decisive conse quences; and others assert, that even if so, it ought not to be acceded to. With neither of these Gentlemen do I agree; but I certainly coincide with those who maintain that this country should not submit its claims to the arbitrary decision of Russia, or any other power; |