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They are not, as of old, the advanced guard of the People, with energies trained by conflict with necessity. Nor on the other hand have they the qualities of a ruling race, or of individual achievement. They have the conservative instincts of plutocracy, and divide instead of uniting the extremes of Society. The instincts of many of them are debauched, and their reason is not disciplined. They are often educated out of

sympathy but not up to faith. They are refined enough to sneer, but not strong enough in head or heart, in fortitude, in enthusiasm, in leisure, in generalisation, or in ideas, to believe.

And why insist on this ? Because this great middling party” misleads the lower class, and mistakes the upper. Because the vis inertiæ of their ignorant conservatism obstructs progress. Because I fear that a new Reform Bill may bring in more of the dregs of this class, and shut out the true People.

And what is the remedy?

The union of sympathy which exists between the crown, the true aristocracy, and the People.

The developing, guiding, and moderating, of those true revolutionary, but practical and constructive energies, which always characterise the common People, educated, and in contact with reality.

Let us note well the advice of Bacon, “in the declining age of a State, mechanical arts and merchandise do flourish.” Solon said well to Croesus,

Sir, if another come that hath better iron. than you, he will be master of all this gold.” Of Demosthenes, " And

you

abandoned and despised ; sumptuous indeed in your markets ; but as to any real provision for your security, ridiculously deficient.” Of Cyrus, “I am not afraid of a set of men who have a place marked out in the middle of their city, where they take oaths and deceive one another ; to whom, not the misfortunes of others will be matter of consideration, but their own." Of Hannibal to the weeping merchants, “You are touched with public calamities only as they affect your private fortunes, you may quickly find that these tears have been shed for the least of

your misfortunes.” Of Montesquieu, “The mischief is when wealth destroys the spirit of wealth " (industry.) Of Burke, “Nation is a moral essence."

There is little hope for a country where wealth and materialism overshadow manhood, and this danger grows upon us. There is reason enough in the fears of the Hon. R. Lowe about Millionaires and Demagogues.

Nevertheless, every year will also lessen the objections to a residential manhoodenfranchisement, take from the arguments of its opponents, and baffle and confound the politicians who fear manhood rule as the antidote of class rule, and who will neither trust manhood as it is, nor help to prepare it for the future, by free and full develop

ment.

The “rights” of the parts against the whole, whether those parts be Feudality or Priestcraft, will not now be maintained in theory by any who possess a reputation or are likely to require

one.

An“established" Church is no longer required as the champion of arts against arms, of the serf against the seigneur, peace against war, or spiritual principles and powers against animal force.

As to feudality and its stronghold, the land, even there it is assailed, and assailed from the heights of conservative philosophy, witness the following dissertation of Mill on Coleridge.

“ The land, the gift of nature, the source of subsistence to all, and the foundation of everything that influences our physical well-being, cannot be considered a subject of property, in the same absolute sense as that in which no one has any interest but themselves. As Coleridge points out, such a notion is altogether of modern growth. The State fails in one of its highest obligations unless it takes means of providing that the manner in which land is held, the mode and degree of its division, and every other peculiarity which influences the mode of its cultivation, shall be the most favorable possible for making the best use of the land, for drawing the greatest benefit from its productive resources, for securing the happiest existence to those employed on it, and for setting the greatest number of hands free to employ their labor for the benefit of the community in other ways.

We believe that these opinions will become in no very long period, universal throughout Europe." --Mill's Dissertations, v, i, pp. 455-7.

The case of the sectional oligarchic slave South,

7

against the American nation, is the great leading case in the series, and it will be followed.

Priests and Oligarchs, as in Volney's famous vision, have now to exclaim in reality, “it is over with us, the multitude are enlightened !"

When such men as Fichte, Hegel, Humboldt, De Tocqueville, Macaulay, Hallam, Mill, Guizot, Goldwin Smith, and not least though last, Draper, concur that religious freedom ought to prevail, it is evident that the principle of inequality, whether in State or in Church, has no hold on England, but on its yet unextirpated class interests, ignorance and superstition.

And politically speaking, “the factors and conditions” of Democratic progress are becoming so well understood, that soon few will doubt De Tocqueville, that the organisation of Democracy is the great problem of our time, and that to obstruct it is to obstruct the will of God.

And here Mill considers “ that the great difficulty in politics for a long time, will be how to govern by means of the specially instructed few, who shall be responsible to the People.” He maintains that respecting any nation that possesses a fair share of the very ordinary wisdom to select such representatives as the general voice of the instructed points out as the most instructed, the argument for universal suffrage is irresistible; for the experience of ages, especially of all great national emergencies, bears out the assertion, that whenever the multitude are really alive to the necessity of superior intellect, they rarely fail to distinguish those who possess it. The points are that the people shall be able to discover such men who shall be responsible to the People, with the Jeast possible direct interference from the People ; but representatives must not be delegates. But the multitude will never believe the truths of political economy until tendered upon authority, in which they have unlimited confidence, although he is satisfied this will be given as soon as knowledge shall have made sufficient progress among the instructed classes themselves, as to produce something like a general agreement in their opinions on moral and political doctrine.—“ Dissertations," vol. i, pp. 469-70, 473-4.

As to competent leaders in extraordinary crises, we have therefore the opinion of this illustrious thinker, that the multitude discern and promote their true leaders.

This also applies to heads of important departments in ordinary times.

As to matters of general local administration, the People themselves are equal to it, and the advantage claimed by Mill for a trained bureaucracy, must be balanced against the advantage claimed by De Tocqueville in the security for freedom by the transaction of the People's business by the People; bearing in mind that neither the change of office bearers with the President, as in America,

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