mollify the native fierceness of his temper. The entrance of Attila into the royal village, was marked by a very singular ceremony. A numerous troop of women came out to meet their hero and their king. They marched before him, distributed into long and regular files the intervals between the files were filled by white veils of thin linen, which the women on either side bore aloft in their hands, and which formed a canopy for a chorus of young virgins, who chanted hymns and songs in the Scythian language. The wife of his favourite Onegesius, with a train of female attendants, saluted Attila at the door of her own house, on his way to the palace; and offered, according to the custom of the country, her respectful homage, by intreating him to taste the wine and meat, which she had prepared for his reception. As soon as the monarch had graciously accepted her hospitable gift, his domestics lifted a small silver table to a convenient height, as he sat on horseback; and Attila, when he had touched the goblet with his lips, again saluted the wife of Onegesius, and continued his march. During his residence at the seat of empire, his hours were not wasted in the recluse idleness of a seraglio; and the king of the Huns could maintain his superior dignity, without concealing his person from the public view. He frequently assembled his council, and gave audience to the ambassadors of the nations; and his people might appeal to the supreme tribunal, which he held at stated times, and, according to the Eastern custom, before the principal gate of his wooden palace. The Romans, both of the East, and of the West, were twice invited to the banquets, where Attila feasted with the princes and nobles of Scythia. Maximin and his colleagues were The royal stopped on the threshold, till they had made a devout libation to the health and prosperity of the king of the Huns; and were conducted, after this ceremony, to their respective seats in a spacious hall. The royal table and couch, covered with carpets and fine linen, was raised by several steps in the midst of the hall; and a son, an uncle, or perhaps a favourite king, were admitted to share the simple and homely repast of Attila. Two lines of small tables, each of which contained three or four guests, were ranged in order on either hand; the right was esteemed the most honourable, but the Romans ingenuously confess, that they were placed on the left; and that Beric, an unknown chieftain, most probably of the Gothic race, preceded the representatives of Theodosius and Valentinian. The Barbarian monarch received from his cup-bearer a goblet good Greek writer would have introduced an article to determine the sense, either thy autou θυγατέρα, α τὴν τοῦ Εσκὰμ θυγάτερα. Nor is it quite clear, whether Scythian usage is adduced to excuse the polygamy or a marriage, which would be considered incestuous in other countries. The Latin version has carefully preserved I am not the ambiguity, filiam Escam uxorem. feast. filled with wine, and courteously drank to the health of the most distinguished guest; who rose from his seat, and expressed, in the same manner, his loyal and respectful vows. This ceremony was successively performed for all, or at least for the illustrious persons of the assembly; and a considerable time must have been consumed, since it was thrice repeated, as each course or service was placed on the table. But the wine still remained after the meat had been removed; and the Huns continued to indulge their intemperance long after the sober and decent ambassadors of the two empires had withdrawn themselves from the nocturnal banquet. Yet before they retired, they enjoyed a singular opportunity of observing the manners of the nation in their convivial amusements. Two Scythians stood before the couch of Attila, and recited the verses which they had composed, to celebrate his valour and his victories.* A plete form. In this, in the Heldenbuch, in some of the Danish Sagas, in countless lays and ballads in all the dialects of Scandinavia, appears king Etzel (Attila), in strife with the Burgundians and the Franks. With these appears by a poetic anachronism, Dietrich of Berne (Theodoric of Verona), the celebrated Ostrogothic king: and many other very singular coincidences of historic names, which re-appear in the poems. (See Lachman Kritik der Sage in his volume of various readings to the Nibelungen; Berlin, 1836. p. 336.) * This passage is remarkable from the connection of the name of Attila with that extraordinary cycle of poetry, which is found in different forms in almost all the Teutonic languages. A Latin poem, de prima expeditione Attila, Regis Hunnorum, in Gallias, was published in the year 1780, by Fischer at Leipsic. It contains, with the continuation, 1452 lines. It abounds in metrical faults, but is occasionally not without some rude spirit and some copiousness of fancy in the variation of the circumstances in the different combats of the hero Walther, prince of I must acknowledge myself unable to form any Aquitania. It contains little which can be sup- satisfactory theory as to the connection of these posed historical, and still less which is character poems with the history of the time, or the period, istic concerning Attila. It relates to a first ex- from which they may date their origin: notwithpedition of Attila into Gaul, which cannot be standing the laborious investigations and critical traced in history, during which the kings of the sagacity of the Schlegels, the Grimms, of P. E. Franks, of the Burgundians, and of Aquitaine, Muller and Lachman, and a whole host of Ger submit themselves, and give hostages to Attila; man critics and antiquaries: not to omit our own the king of the Franks, a personage who seems countryman, Mr. Herbert, whose theory concernthe same with the Hagen of Teutonic Romance; ing Attila is certainly neither deficient in boldthe king of Burgundy, his daughter Heldgund; ness nor originality. I conceive the only way to the king of Aquitaine, his son Walther. The obtain any thing like a clear conception on this main subject of the poem is the escape of Walther point would be what Lachman has begun (see and Heldgund from the camp of Attila and the above), patiently to collect and compare the vacombat between Walther and Gunthar king of the rious forms, which the traditions have assumed, Franks, with his twelve peers, among whom is without any pre-conceived either mythical or poeHagen. Walther had been betrayed while he tical theory, and, if possible, to discover the oripassed through Worms, the city of the Frankish ginal basis of the whole rich and fantastic legend. king, by paying for his ferry over the Rhine with One point, which to me is strongly in favour of some strange fish, which he had caught during the antiquity of this poetic cycle, is that the his flight, and which were unknown in the waters manners are so clearly anterior to chivalry, and of the Rhine. Gunthar was desirous of plunder- to the influence exercised on the poetic literature ing him of the treasure, which Walther had car- of Europe by the chivalrous poems and romances. ried off from the camp of Attila. The author of I think I find some traces of that influence in the this poem is unknown, nor can I on the vague Latin poem, though strained through the imagiand rather doubtful allusion to Thule, as Iceland, nation of a monk. venture to assign its date. It was, evidently, recited in a monastery, as appears by the first line; and no doubt composed there. The faults of metre would point out a late date; and it may have been formed upon some local tradition, as Walther, the hero, seems to have turned monk. This poem, however, in its character and its incidents bears no relation to the Teutonic cycle, of which the Nibelungen Lied is the most com The English reader will find an amusing account of the German Nibelungen and Heldenbuch, and of some of the Scandinavian Sagas, in the volume of Northern Antiquities published by Weber, the friend of Sir Walter Scott. Scott himself contributed a considerable, no doubt far the most valuable, part to the work. See also the various German editions of the Nibelungen, to which Lachman, with true German persever profound silence prevailed in the 'hall; and the attention of the guests was captivated by the vocal harmony, which revived and perpetuated the memory of their own exploits: a martial ardour flashed from the eyes of the warriors, who were impatient for battle; and the tears of the old men expressed their generous despair, that they could no longer partake the danger and glory of the field (46). This entertainment, which might be considered as a school of military virtue, was succeeded by a farce, that debased the dignity of human nature. A Moorish and a Scythian buffoon* successively excited the mirth of the rude spectators, by their deformed figure, ridiculous dress, antic gestures, absurd speeches, and the strange unintelligible confusion of the Latin, the Gothic, and the Hunnic languages; and the hall resounded with loud and licentious peals of laughter. In the midst of this intemperate riot, Attila alone, without a change of countenance, maintained his stedfast and inflexible gravity; which was never relaxed, except on the entrance of Irnac, the youngest of his sons: he embraced the boy with a smile of paternal tenderness, gently pinched him by the cheek, and betrayed a partial affection, which was justified by the assurance of his prophets, that Irnac would be the future support of his family and empire. Two days afterwards, the ambassadors received a second invitation; and they had reason to praise the politeness, as well as the hospitality, of Attila. The king of the Huns held a long and familiar conversation with Maximin; but his civility was interrupted by rude expressions, and haughty reproaches; and he was provoked, by a motive of interest, to support, with unbecoming zeal, the private claims of his secretary Constantius. "The em"peror," said Attila, "has long promised him a rich wife: Con❝stantius must not be disappointed; nor should a Roman emperor "deserve the name of liar." On the third day, the ambassadors were dismissed; the freedom of several captives was granted, for a moderate ransom, to their pressing entreaties; and, besides the royal presents, they were permitted to accept from each of the Scythian nobles, the honourable and useful gift of a horse. Maximin returned, by the same road, to Constantinople; and though he was involved in an accidental dispute with Beric, the new ambassador of Attila, he flattered himself that he had contributed, by the laborious journey, to confirm the peace and alliance of the two nations (47). (46) If we may believe Plutarch (in Demetrio, tom. v. p. 24.), it was the custom of the Scythians, when they indulged in the pleasures of the table, to awaken their languid courage by the martial harmony of twanging their bow-strings. (47) The curious narrative of this embassy, which required few observations, and was not suscep→ ance, has compiled a thick volume of various * The Scythian was an idiot or lunatic; the readings; the Heldenbuch, the old Danish poems Moor a regular buffoon.-M. by Grimm, the Eddas, &c. Herbert's Attila, p. 510. et seq.-M. the Romans Conspiracy of But the Roman ambassador "was ignorant of the treacherous deagainst the sign, which had been concealed under the mask of the public faith. life of Attila. The surprise and satisfaction of Edecon, when he contemplated the splendour of Constantinople, had encouraged the interpreter Vigi→ lius to procure for him a secret interview with the eunuch Chrysaphius (48), who governed the emperor and the empire. After some previous conversation, and a mutual oath of secrecy, the eunuch, who had not, from his own feelings or experience, imbibed any exalted notions of ministerial virtue, ventured to propose the death of Attila, as an important service, by which Edecon might deserve a liberal share of the wealth and luxury which he admired. The ambassador of the Huns listened to the tempting offer; and professed, with apparent zeal, his ability, as well as readiness, to execute the bloody deed: the design was communicated to the master of the offices, and the devout Theodosius consented to the assassination of his invincible enemy. But this perfidious conspiracy was defeated by the dissimulation, or the repentance, of Edecon; and though he might exaggerate his inward abhorrence for the treason, which he seemed to approve, he dexterously assumed the merit of an early and voluntary confession. If we now review the embassy of Maximin, and the behaviour of Attila, we must applaud the Barbarian, who respected the laws of hospitality, and generously entertained and dismissed the minister of a prince who had conspired against his life. But the rashness of Vigilius will appear still more extraordinary, since he returned, conscious of his guilt and danger, to the royal camp; accompanied by his son, and carrying with him a weighty purse of gold, which the favourite eunuch had furnished, to satisfy the demands of Edecon, and to corrupt the fidelity of the guards. The interpreter was instantly seized, and dragged before the tribunal of Attila, where he asserted his innocence with specious firmness, till the threat of inflicting instant death on his son, extorted from him a sincere discovery of the criminal transaction. Under the name of ransom, or confiscation, the rapacious king of the Huns accepted two hundred pounds of gold for the life of a traitor, whom he disdained to punish. He pointed his just indignation against a nobler object. His ambasand forgives sadors Eslaw and Orestes were immediately dispatched to Conthe emperor. stantinople, with a peremptory instruction, which it was much safer for them to execute than to disobey. They boldly entered He reprimands tible of any collateral evidence, may be found in Priscus, p. 49-70. But I have not confined myself to the same order; and I had previously extracted the historical circumstances, which were less intimately connected with the journey, and business, of the Roman ambassadors. (48) M. de Tillemont has very properly given the succession of Chamberlains, who reigned in the name of Theodosius. Chrysaphius was the last, and, according to the unanimous evidence of history, the worst of these favourites (see Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 117-119. Mém. Ecclés. tom. xv. p. 438.). His partiality for his godfather, the heresiarch Eutyches, engaged him to persecute the orthodox party. the Imperial presence, with the fatal purse hanging down from the neck of Orestes; who interrogated the eunuch Chrysaphius, as he stood beside the throne, whether he recognised the evidence of his guilt. But the office of reproof was reserved for the superior dignity of his colleague Eslaw, who gravely addressed the emperor of the East in the following words: "Theodosius is the son of an illus"trious and respectable parent: Attila likewise is descended from "a noble race; and he has supported, by his actions, the dignity "which he inherited from his father Mundzuk. But Theodosius "has forfeited his paternal houours, and, by consenting to pay tri"bute, has degraded himself to the condition of a slave. It is "therefore just, that he should reverence the man whom fortune "and merit have placed above him; instead of attempting, like a "wicked slave, clandestinely to conspire against his master." The son of Arcadius, who was accustomed only to the voice of flattery, heard with astonishment the severe language of truth: he blushed and trembled; nor did he presume directly to refuse the head of Chrysaphius, which Eslaw and Orestes were instructed to demand. A solemn embassy, armed with full powers and magnificent gifts, was hastily sent to deprecate the wrath of Attila; and his pride was gratified by the choice of Nomius and Anatolius, two ministers of consular or patrician rank, of whom the one was great treasurer, and the other was master-general of the armies of the East. He condescended to meet these ambassadors on the banks of the river Drenco; and though he at first affected a stern and haughty demeanour, his anger was insensibly mollified by their eloquence and liberality. He condescended to pardon the emperor, the eunuch, and the interpreter; bound himself by an oath to observe the conditions of peace; released a great number of captives; abandoned the fugitives and deserters to their fate; and resigned large territory, to the south of the Danube, which he had already exhausted of its wealth and inhabitants. But this treaty was purchased at an expense which might have supported a vigorous and successful war; and the subjects of Theodosius were compelled to redeem the safety of a worthless favourite by oppressive taxes, which they would more cheerfully have paid for his destruction (49). The emperor Theodosius did not long survive the most humiliating circumstance of an inglorious life. As he was riding, or hunting, in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, he was thrown from A. D. 450, his horse into the river Lycus: the spine of the back was injured by the fall; and he expired some days afterwards, in the fiftieth year of his age, and the forty-third of his reign (50). His sister (49) This secret conspiracy, and its important consequences, may be traced in the fragments of Priscus, p. 37, 38, 39. 54. 70, 71, 72. The chronology of that historian is not fixed by any precise date; but the series of negotiations between Attila and the Eastern empire, must be included between the three or four years which are terminated, A. D. 450, by the death of Theodosius. (50) Theodorus the Reader (see Vales. Hist. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 563.), aud the Paschal Chronicle, Theodosius the Younger dies, July 28.; |