Will any one, with the whole of this absorbing topic before him, doubt, whether England could have advanced, and gained ground against the nations on the continent which had long been superior to her, without the cherishing protection and patronage which has been carefully granted to every branch of her trade and commerce? Those who are well informed on this subject, can have no remaining doubts. Home manufactures, in order to their existence and perfection, must be protected-either by prohibitory duties, or by a preference and patronage of the people; the latter mode is the most effectual and the most advisable, in the present state of American finances. And what American, who feels the importance attached to the growing interest of the United States, who will not exercise patriotism enough, so far to prefer our own manufactures as to render us entirely independent of Europe in any emergency? Are we for ever to be the dupes of European influence, and the fantastic vagaries of their customs and fashions, ever varying, for the express purpose of making merchandise of our weakness and vanity, and the faculty of imitation? Let us rather assume a national character, a national costume. If we are to be guided by fashion, let that fashion be American; the produce of American soil, of American invention and skill, and of American industry and enterprise. The day is past and gone, when any of our citizens will think it best to have our work-shops in Europe; indeed America will soon learn the extent of her resources to be such, as to render her independent of the old world, and thus establish our independence on a basis that can neither be shaken by the implements of war, nor by the stratagems of peace. For it is now avowed that those strifes are in full operation, aiming at universal conquest. A conquest made of our resources, rendering our labour and skill and raw materials ineffective, would effectually impoverish and ruin us as a people, making us the dupes of superior energy and capital. America is already alive to those circumstances, but she must never be off her watch-tower-for the enemy is ever on the alert, making a breach at every weak point, and taking advantage of our inadvertence and inactivity.

But if Americans make good use of their natural capabilities, and take advantage of their free institutions, they may cope with the whole world, in deriving the benefits of skill and enterprise ; and thus establish on a permanent basis, such establishments of industry and wealth as shall render America independent of the world.

"A machine, receiving at different times and from many hands,

new combinations and improvements, and becoming at last of signal benefit to mankind, may be compared to a rivulet swelled in its course by tributary streams, until it rolls along, a majestic river, enriching in its progress provinces and kingdoms. In retracing the current, too, from where it mingles with the ocean, the pretensions of even ample subsidiary streams are merged in our admiration of the master flood, glorying, as it were, in its expansion. But as we continue to ascend, those waters which, nearer the sea, would have been disregarded as unimportant, begin to rival in magnitude, and divide our attention with, the parent stream; until at length, on our approaching the fountains of the river, it appears trickling from the rock, or oozing from among the flowers of the valley. So also, in developing the rise of a machine, a coarse instrument, or a toy, may be recognised as the germ of that production of mechanical genius, whose power and usefulness have stimulated our curiosity to mark its changes, and to trace its origin. And the same feeling of reverential gratitude, which attached holiness to the spots whence mighty rivers sprung, also clothed with divinity, and raised altars in honour of, the inventors of the saw, the plough, the potter's wheel, and the loom. To those who are familiar with modern machinery, the construction of these implements may appear to have conferred but slight claim to the reverence in which their authors were held in ancient times, yet, artless as they seem, their use first raised man above the beasts of the field; and, by incalculably diminishing the sum of human labour, added equally to the power and enjoyment of the barbarous tribes of those ages to which their discovery is referred. In their rudest form, they are nearly all the mechanical aids that were necessary for the wants of nations, of shepherds and of husbandmen. For refinement, in the formation of even these simple contrivances, or for the invention and use of more complex mechanism, we must look to communities that have made considerable advances in the career of civilisation; to those regions where men, congregating in large masses, create numerous artificial wants, and, by this peculiarity in their social position, excite the natural rivalry of individuals to devise expedients to remove them. Accordingly it is found, that the dense population of some eastern countries, had there produced a state of society eminently calculated to call forth the resources of inventive power. From a remote period, the great wealth of the Egyptians, particularly, had generated a taste for luxurious magnificence, which that people early displayed in the erection of colossal and sumptuous buildings. The remains of their vast pyramids, temples, and

palaces, evince a skilful practice of numerous devices to abridge and facilitate labour, and to give a permanence, almost eternal, to their gorgeous structures."-Stuart's Anecdotes.

"The introduction of new inventions seemeth to be the very chief of all human actions. The benefits of new inventions may extend to all mankind universally, but the good of political achievements can respect but some particular cantons of men; these latter do not endure above a few ages, the former for ever. Inventions make all men happy without either injury or damage to any one single person. Furthermore, new inventions are, as it were, new erections and imitations of God's own works."--Bacon.

March 1, 1836.

INTRODUCTION.

A retrospective view of the colonial policy of Great Britain may not be inapplicable to some introductory remarks to this work.

It has always been the well known policy of that powerful nation, to supply her colonies with the home manufactures. They have of course, as a part of this plan, prevented the introduction of machinery and of all mechanical operations and improvements. Through the influence of fashion, as well as by other means, they have rendered their various dependencies entirely subservient to the mother country; affording them a constant supply, not only of articles of necessity, but those of ornament and fashion. This was the avowed condition of the North American colonies, previous to the war of the revolution.* Chatham said, he "would

* The state of the country, the state of the government, and the state of manufactures at this period, may be learned from the following letter written by John Adams, Dec. 19, 1816.

Extract of a letter from President Adams to Wm. E. Richmond, Esq. Providence. Dec. 14th, 1819.

SIR,-I have received your polite favour of the 10th, the subject of which is of great importance. I am old enough to remember the war of 1745, and its end. The war of 1755, and its close. The war of 1775, and its termination. The war of 1812, and its pacification. Every one of these wars has been followed by a general distress, embarrassments on commerce, destruction of manufactures; fall of the price of produce and of lands, similar to those we feel at the present day-and all produced by the same causes :-I have wondered that so much experience has not taught us more caution. The British merchants and manufacturers, immediately after the peace, disgorged upon us all their stores of merchandise and manufactures-not only without profit, but at a certain loss for a time-with the express purpose of annihilating all our manufactories and ruining all our manufacturers. The cheapness of the articles allures us into extravagances, and at length produces universal complaint. What would be the consequences of the abolition of all restrictive, exclusive, and monopolising laws, if adopted by

not have the Americans make a "hobnail;" and they will not have "a razor to shave their beards," was an expression in debate, by a member of the English parliament. Such was the condition of these colonies, previous to their declaration of independence ; hence, the inhabitants found themselves bare even of necessary clothing, and of common utensils for the use of their domestic economy. This rendered the war more oppressive, and increased the privations of the Provincials, altogether beyond the sufferings of a state of warfare in modern times. The citizens had, from their first settlement, looked to the other side of the Atlantic for their clothing, their luxuries, &c.; in fact, for every thing, except their fire wood, meats, and bread stuffs. So that at the commencement of their resistance, they were nearly left without a tool to work with; the women were driven to the use of thorns, when their supply of pins failed them. All kinds of hardware and crockery were generally unattainable. Even the article of leather, was very imperfectly prepared. So that not only the army were badly shod, but many of the citizens were bare-footed, and bare-headed. The following remarks will show, that these restrictions on trade constituted a part of the complaints and grievances of the colonies. It was not easy for them to see by what principle their removal to America should deprive them of such rights and privileges. They could not comprehend the justice of restrictions so materially different from those at "home;" or why they might not, equally with their elder brethren in England, seek the best markets for their products, and like them manufacture such articles as were within their power, and essential to their comfort. But the selfish politicians of Britain, and her still more selfish merchants and manufacturers, thought otherwise. A different doctrine was accordingly advanced, and a different policy pursued. Acts were therefore early passed, restricting the trade with the

all the nations of the earth, I pretend not to say: but while all the nations with whom we have intercourse, persevere in cherishing such laws, I know not how we can do ourselves justice without introducing, with great prudence and discretion however, some portions of the same system. The gentlemen of Philadelphia have published a very important volume upon the subject, which I recommend to your careful perusal. Other cities are co-operating in the same plan. I heartily wish them all success, so far as this, at leastthat congress may take the great subject into their most serious deliberation, and decide upon it according to their most mature wisdom.

JOHN ADAMS.

Note-A meeting was held in London, to assist cotton manufacture, headed by Earl Grosvenor, Lord Folkstone, H. Brougham, Sir Robert Peel, &c., and liberal subscriptions collected.